User:Rick Jelliffe/sandbox/Erasmus and religious reform
Religious reform
[edit]![]() |
Part of a series on |
Catholic philosophy |
---|
![]() ![]() ![]() |
Personal reform
[edit]Erasmus expressed much of his reform program in terms of the proper attitude towards the sacraments, and their ramifications:[1] notably for the underappreciated sacraments of Baptism and Marriage (see On the Institution of Christian Marriage) considered as vocations more than events;[note 1] and for the mysterious Eucharist, pragmatic Confession, the dangerous Last Rites (writing On the Preparation for Death),[note 2] and the pastoral Holy Orders (see Ecclesiastes.)[3] Historians have noted that Erasmus commended the benefits of immersive, docile scripture-reading in sacramental terms.[note 3]
Sacraments
[edit]![](http://up.wiki.x.io/wikipedia/commons/thumb/e/ed/Johannes_Oecolampadius_by_Asper.jpg/220px-Johannes_Oecolampadius_by_Asper.jpg)
A test of the Reformation was the doctrine of the sacraments, and the crux of this question was the observance of the Eucharist. Erasmus was concerned that the sacramentarians, headed by Œcolampadius of Basel, were claiming Erasmus held views similar to their own in order to try to claim him for their schismatic and "erroneous" movement. When the Mass was finally banned in Basel in 1529, Erasmus immediately abandoned the city, as did the other expelled Catholic clergy.
In 1530, Erasmus published a new edition of the orthodox treatise of Algerus against the heretic Berengar of Tours in the eleventh century. He added a dedication, affirming his belief in the reality of the Body of Christ after consecration in the Eucharist, commonly referred to as transubstantiation, though Erasmus found the scholastic formulation of transubstantiation to stretch language past its breaking point.[5]
By and large, the miraculous real change that interested Erasmus the author more than that of the bread is the transformation in the humble partaker.[6]: 211 Erasmus wrote several notable pastoral books or pamphlets on sacraments, always looking through rather than at the rituals or forms: on marriage and wise matches, preparation for confession and the need for pastoral encouragement, preparation for death and the need to assuage fear, training and helping the preaching duties of priests under bishops, baptism and the need for that faithful to own the baptismal vows made for them.
Catholic reform
[edit]Institutional reforms
[edit]![](http://up.wiki.x.io/wikipedia/commons/thumb/9/98/Albrecht_D%C3%BCrer_-_Portrait_of_Erasmus_-_WGA07088.jpg/220px-Albrecht_D%C3%BCrer_-_Portrait_of_Erasmus_-_WGA07088.jpg)
The Protestant Reformation began in the year following the publication of his pathbreaking edition of the New Testament in Latin and Greek (1516). The issues between the reforming and reactionary tendencies of the church, from which Protestantism later emerged, had become so clear that many intellectuals and churchmen could not escape the summons to join the debate.
According to historian C. Scott Dixon, Erasmus' not only criticized church failings but questioned many of his Church's basic teachings;[note 4] however, according to biographer Erika Rummel, "Erasmus was aiming at the correction of abuses rather than at doctrinal innovation or institutional change."[note 5]
In theologian Louis Bouyer's interpretation,[8] Erasmus' agenda was "to reform the Church from within by a renewal of biblical theology, based on philological study of the New Testament text, and supported by a knowledge of patristics, itself renewed by the same methods. The final object of it all was to nourish[...]chiefly moral and spiritual reform[...]"[note 6]
Erasmus, at the height of his literary fame, was called upon to take one side, but public partisanship was foreign to his beliefs, his nature and his habits. Despite all his criticism of clerical corruption and abuses within the Western Church,[note 7] especially at first he sided unambiguously with neither Luther nor the anti-Lutherans publicly (though in private he lobbied assiduously against extremism from both parties), but eventually shunned the breakaway Protestant Reformation movements along with their most radical offshoots.[10]
"I have constantly declared, in countless letters, booklets, and personal statements, that I do not want to be involved with either party."
— Erasmus, Spongia (1523)
The world had laughed at his satire, The Praise of Folly, but few had interfered with his activities. He believed that his work so far had commended itself to the best minds and also to the dominant powers in the religious world. Erasmus chose to write in Latin (and Greek), the languages of scholars. He did not build a large body of supporters in the unlettered; his critiques reached a small but elite audience.[11]
Anti-fraternalism
[edit]Reacting from his own experiences, Erasmus came to believe that monastic life and institutions no longer served the positive spiritual or social purpose they once may have:[12]: 669 in the Enchiridion he controversially put it "Monkishness is not piety."[note 8] At this time, it was better to live as "a monk in the world" than in the monastery.[note 9]
Many of his works contain diatribes against supposed monastic corruption and careerism, and particularly against the mendicant friars (Franciscans and Dominicans): these orders also typically ran the university Scholastic theology programs and from whose ranks came his most dangerous enemies. The more some attacked him, the more offensive he became about their influence.
Alastor, an evil spirit: "They are a certain Sort of Animals in black and white Vestments, Ash-colour'd Coats, and various other Dresses, that are always hovering about the Courts of Princes, and [to each side] are continually instilling into their Ears the Love of War, and exhorting the Nobility and common People to it, haranguing them in their Sermons, that it is a just, holy and religious War.[...]"
Charon: "[...]What do they get out of it?"
Alastor: "Because they get more by those that die, than those that live. There are last Wills and Testaments, Funeral Obsequies, Bulls, and a great many other Articles of no despicable Profit. And in the last Place, they had rather live in a Camp, than in their Cells. War breeds a great many Bishops, who were not thought good for any Thing in a Time of Peace."
— Erasmus, "Charon", Colloquies
He was scandalized by superstitions, such as that if you were buried in a Franciscan habit you would go direct to heaven.[note 10] crime[15] and child novices. He advocated various reforms, including a ban on taking orders until the 30th year, the closure of corrupt and smaller monasteries, respect for bishops, requiring work not begging (reflecting the practice of his own order of Augustinian Canons,) the downplaying of monastic hours, fasts and ceremonies, and a less mendacious approach to gullible pilgrims and tenants.
However, he was not in favour of speedy closures of monasteries nor of larger reformed monasteries with important libraries: in his account of his pilgrimage to Walsingham, he noted that the funds extracted from pilgrims typically supported houses for the poor and elderly.[16]
These ideas widely influenced his generation of humanists, both Catholic and Protestant,[17]: 152 and the lurid hyperbolic attacks in his half-satire The Praise of Folly were later treated by Protestants as objective reports of near-universal corruption. Furthermore, "what is said over a glass of wine, ought not to be remembered and written down as a serious statement of belief," such as his proposal to marry all monks to all nuns or to send them all away to fight the Turks and colonize new islands.[18]
He believed the only vow necessary for Christians should be the vow of Baptism, and others such as the vows of the evangelical counsels, while admirable in intent and content, were now mainly counter-productive.
His main Catholic opposition, during had been from scholars in the mendicant orders, and after his lifetime scholars of mendicant orders have disputed Erasmus as hyperbolic and ill-informed. He purported that "Saint Francis came lately to me in a dream and thanked me for chastising them."[19] A 20th century Benedictine scholar wrote of him as "all sail and no rudder."[20]: 357 Erasmus did also have significant support and contact with reform-minded friars, including Franciscans such as Jean Vitrier and Cardinal Cisneros, and Dominicans such as Cardinal Cajetan the former Master of the Order of Preachers.
Protestant reform
[edit]The early reformers built their theology on Erasmus' philological analyses of specific verses in the New Testament: repentance over penance (the basis of the first thesis of the Luther's 95 Theses), justification by imputation, grace as favour or clemency, faith as hoping trust,[21] human transformation over reformation, congregation over church, mystery over sacrament, etc. In Erasmus' view, they went too far, downplayed Sacred Tradition such as Patristic interpretations, and irresponsibly fomented bloodshed.
Increasing disagreement with Luther
[edit]![](http://up.wiki.x.io/wikipedia/commons/thumb/0/03/Cranach%2C_Portraits_of_Martin_Luther_and_Philipp_Melanchthon.jpg/220px-Cranach%2C_Portraits_of_Martin_Luther_and_Philipp_Melanchthon.jpg)
Erasmus and Luther impacted each other greatly. Each had misgivings about each other from the beginning (Erasmus on Luther's rash and antagonistic character, Luther on Erasmus' focus on morality rather than grace) but strategically agreed not to be negative about the other in public.
Noting Luther's criticisms of corruption in the Church, Erasmus described Luther to Pope Leo X as "a mighty trumpet of gospel truth" while agreeing, "It is clear that many of the reforms for which Luther calls" (e.g., the sale of indulgences) "are urgently needed."[22] However, behind the scenes Erasmus forbade his publisher Froben from handling the works of Luther[23]: 64 and tried to keep the reform movement focused on institutional rather than theological issues, yet he also privately wrote to authorities to prevent Luther's persecution. In the words of one historian, "at this earlier period he was more concerned with the fate of Luther than his theology."[24]
In 1520, Erasmus wrote that "Luther ought to be answered and not crushed."[25] However, the publication of Luther's On the Babylonian Captivity of the Church (Oct 1520)[26] and subsequent bellicosity drained Erasmus' and many humanists' sympathy, even more as Christians became partisans and the partisans took to violence.
Luther hoped for his cooperation in a work which seemed only the natural outcome of Erasmus' own,[note 11] and spoke with admiration of Erasmus's superior learning. In their early correspondence, Luther expressed boundless admiration for all Erasmus had done in the cause of a sound and reasonable Christianity and urged him to join the Lutheran party. Erasmus declined to commit himself, arguing his usual "small target" excuse, that to do so would endanger the cause of bonae litterae[note 12][28] which he regarded as one of his purposes in life. Only as an independent scholar could he hope to influence the reform of religion. When Erasmus declined to support him, the "straightforward" Luther became angered that Erasmus was avoiding the responsibility due either to cowardice or a lack of purpose.
However, any hesitancy on the part of Erasmus may have stemmed, not from lack of courage or conviction, but rather from a concern over the mounting disorder and violence of the reform movement. To Philip Melanchthon in 1524 he wrote:
I know nothing of your church; at the very least it contains people who will, I fear, overturn the whole system and drive the princes into using force to restrain good men and bad alike. The gospel, the word of God, faith, Christ, and Holy Spirit – these words are always on their lips; look at their lives and they speak quite another language.[29]
Catholic theologian George Chantraine notes that, where Luther quotes Luke 11:21 "He that is not with me is against me", Erasmus takes Mark 9:40 "For he that is not against us, is on our part."[30]: 86
Though he sought to remain accommodative in doctrinal disputes, each side accused him of siding with the other, perhaps because of his perceived influence and what they regarded as his dissembling neutrality,[note 13] which he regarded as peacemaking accommodation:
I detest dissension because it goes both against the teachings of Christ and against a secret inclination of nature. I doubt that either side in the dispute can be suppressed without grave loss.
— "On Free Will"[22]
Dispute on free will
[edit]By 1523, and first suggested in a letter from Henry VIII, Erasmus had been convinced that Luther's ideas on necessity/free will were a subject of core disagreement deserving a public airing, and strategized with friends and correspondents[31] on how to respond with proper moderation[32] without making the situation worse for all, especially for the humanist reform agenda. He eventually chose a campaign that involved an irenical 'dialogue' "The Inquisition of Faith", a positive, evangelical model sermon "On the Measureless Mercy of God", and a gently critical 'diatribe' "On Free Will."
The publication of his brief book On Free Will initiated what has been called "The greatest debate of that era" [33] which still has ramifications today.[34] They bypassed discussion on reforms which they both agreed on in general, and instead dealt with authority and biblical justifications of synergism versus monergism in relation to salvation.
Luther responded with On the Bondage of the Will (De servo arbitrio) (1525).
Erasmus replied to this in his lengthy two volume Hyperaspistes and other works, which Luther ignored. Apart from the perceived moral failings among followers of the Reformers—an important sign for Erasmus—he also dreaded any change in doctrine, citing the long history of the Church as a bulwark against innovation. He put the matter bluntly to Luther:
We are dealing with this: Would a stable mind depart from the opinion handed down by so many men famous for holiness and miracles, depart from the decisions of the Church, and commit our souls to the faith of someone like you who has sprung up just now with a few followers, although the leading men of your flock do not agree either with you or among themselves – indeed though you do not even agree with yourself, since in this same Assertion[35] you say one thing in the beginning and something else later on, recanting what you said before.
— Hyperaspistes I[36]
Continuing his chastisement of Luther – and undoubtedly put off by the notion of there being "no pure interpretation of Scripture anywhere but in Wittenberg"[37] – Erasmus touches upon another important point of the controversy:
You stipulate that we should not ask for or accept anything but Holy Scripture, but you do it in such a way as to require that we permit you to be its sole interpreter, renouncing all others. Thus the victory will be yours if we allow you to be not the steward but the lord of Holy Scripture.
— Hyperaspistes, Book I[38]
"False evangelicals"
[edit]In 1529, Erasmus wrote "An epistle against those who falsely boast they are Evangelicals" to Gerardus Geldenhouwer (former Bishop of Utrecht, also schooled at Deventer.)
You declaim bitterly against the luxury of priests, the ambition of bishops, the tyranny of the Roman Pontiff, and the babbling of the sophists; against our prayers, fasts, and Masses; and you are not content to retrench the abuses that may be in these things, but must needs abolish them entirely. ...[39]
Here Erasmus complains of the doctrines and morals of the Reformers, applying the same critique he had made about public Scholastic disputations:
Look around on this 'Evangelical' generation,[40] and observe whether amongst them less indulgence is given to luxury, lust, or avarice, than amongst those whom you so detest. Show me any one person who by that Gospel has been reclaimed from drunkenness to sobriety, from fury and passion to meekness, from avarice to liberality, from reviling to well-speaking, from wantonness to modesty. I will show you a great many who have become worse through following it. [...]The solemn prayers of the Church are abolished, but now there are very many who never pray at all. [...]
I have never entered their conventicles, but I have sometimes seen them returning from their sermons, the countenances of all of them displaying rage, and wonderful ferocity, as though they were animated by the evil spirit. [...]
Who ever beheld in their meetings any one of them shedding tears, smiting his breast, or grieving for his sins? [...]Confession to the priest is abolished, but very few now confess to God. [...]They have fled from Judaism that they may become Epicureans.— Epistola contra quosdam qui se falso iactant evangelicos.[41]
Other
[edit]Erasmus wrote books against aspects of the teaching, impacts or threats of several other Reformers:[42]
- Ulrich von Hutten Spongia adversus aspergines Hutteni (1523) see below
- Martin Bucer Responsio ad fratres Inferioris Germaniae ad epistolam apologeticam incerto autoreproditam (1530)
- Heinrich Eppendorf Admonitio adversus mendacium et obstrectationem (1530)
However, Erasmus maintained friendly relations with other Protestants, notably the irenic Melanchthon and Albrecht Duerer.
A common accusation, supposedly started by antagonistic monk-theologians,[note 14] made Erasmus responsible for Martin Luther and the Reformation: "Erasmus laid the egg, and Luther hatched it." Erasmus wittily dismissed the charge, claiming that Luther had "hatched a different bird entirely."[44] Erasmus-reader Peter Canisius commented: "Certainly there was no lack of eggs for Luther to hatch."[45][note 15]
Legacy and evaluations
[edit]Catholic
[edit]William Warham (Canterbury) • Cuthbert Tunstall (London/Durham) • John Longland (Lincoln) • John Fisher (Rochester) • Albert of Brandenburg (Mainz) • Philip of Burgundy (Utrecht) • Jean de Guise (Lorraine) • Bernard de Cles (Trent) • Alonso de Fonseca (Toledo) • Christoph von Stadion (Augsburg) • Jacopo Sadoleto (Carpentras) • Piotr Tomicki (Cracow) • Andrzej Krzycki (Płock) • Johannes Thurzo (Wrocław) • Stanislaus Thurzo (Olomouc.) • Jan Łaski (Veszprém) • Alonso Manrique de Lara (Seville)
Others correspondents and friends mentioned: Cardinal Lorenzo Campeggio • Vincenzo Pimpinella (Rossano, Calabria) • Balthasar Merklin (Bishop of Hildesheim and Constance) • future cardinal Pietro Bembo • future Bishop of Mâcon and Orléans Pierre du Chastel
In 1529-1530, Erasmus the refugee received numerous invitations to settle in new locations, such as from Hermann von Wied (cardinal-archbishop-elector of Cologne) and Jean Carondelet (archbishop of Palermo) to go to Burgundy.![](http://up.wiki.x.io/wikipedia/commons/thumb/b/bc/Thomas_van_Aquino_inspireert_zich_op_de_geschriften_van_andere_theologen_Titelpagina_voor_D._Augvstini_et_SS._Patrvm_de_Libero_Arbitrio_Interpres_Thomifticus_Contra_Ianfenitas_%28titel_op_object%29%2C_RP-P-OB-7416.jpg/220px-thumbnail.jpg)
Erasmus was continually protected by popes,[note 17] bishops, inquisitors-general, and Catholic kings[note 18] during his lifetime.[note 19] He was a bishops' man: in constant contact, correspondence, patronage and direction with dozens at any time, and their Latin secretaries: for example, his book On Free Will was squeezed out of him by bishops, and strategized, discussed, vetted (his local bishop got him to remove some polemic material from it, for example[48]: 70 ) and promoted by them.
The following generation of saints and scholars included many influenced by Erasmian humanism or spirituality, notably Ignatius of Loyola,[note 20][50][51][52] Teresa of Ávila,[53][note 21] John of Ávila,[55][56] [note 22] and Angela Merici.[note 23]
However, Erasmus attracted enemies in contemporary theologians in Paris, Louvain, Valladolid, Salamanca and Rome, notably Sepúlveda, Stúñica, Edward Lee,[note 24] Noël Beda (who Erasmus had known in France in the 1490s, but who opposed Greek and Hebrew),[59] as well as Alberto Pío, Prince of Carpi, who read his work with dedicated suspicion. These were theologians, usually from the mendicant orders that were Erasmus' particular target (such as Dominicans, Carmelites and Franciscans), who held a positive "linear view of history" for theology [note 25] that privileged recent late-medieval theology[60] and rejected the ad fontes methodology. Erasmus believed the vehemence of the attacks on Luther was a strategem to blacken humanism (and himself) by association, part of the centuries-long power struggle at the universities between scholastic "theologians" and humanist "poets".[60]: 724 [note 26][note 27]
A particularly powerful opponent of Erasmus was Italian humanist Jerome Aleander, Erasmus' former close friend and bedmate in Venice at the Aldine Press and future cardinal. They fell out over Aleander's violent speech against Luther at the Diet of Worms, and with Aleander's identification of Erasmus as "the great cornerstone of the Lutheran heresy."[44][note 28] They periodically reconciled in warm personal meetings, only to fall into mutual suspicion again when distant.
Erasmus spent considerable effort defending himself in writing, which he could not do after his death.[64] He wrote 35 books defending against accusations by Catholic opponents, and 9 against Protestant opponents: an unanswered accusation of heresy or Nicodemism could cascade into trials and fatal unsafety.
Far from being a maverick in all aspects, several of Erasmus' "distinctive" ideas were entirely mainstream for the time, from the Fifth Council of the Lateran: the need for peace between Catholic princes before a war pushing back the Turks could be attempted (Session 9); the need for formal qualifications of preachers (Session 11) who should "foster everywhere peace and mutual love" rather than false miracles and apocalyptic predictions; the danger of unbalanced philosophical study and questions that promote doubt without attempting resolution (Session 8); the spurious independence of friars from local bishops, and the dereliction of duty by absentee bishops and cardinals.
The Council of Trent further addressed many of the controversies Erasmus had been involved with: including free will, accumulated errors in the Vulgate, and priestly training,[note 29] and followed his call for a renewed positive focus on the Creed. Erasmus' major ethical complaint that a certain kind of scholasticism was "curiositas" (useless, vain speculation) and artificially divisive was endorsed in the 4 December 1563 Decree Concerning Purgatory which recommended the avoidance of speculations and non-essential questions. Trent reduced the number of sequences during the Mass to only four for certain special days: the large numbers and lengths of sequences, especially as found in German and French masses, and the need for verbal clarity were issues Erasmus had raised.[66]
Prohibitions
[edit]![](http://up.wiki.x.io/wikipedia/commons/thumb/c/cd/Erasmus_censored.png/220px-Erasmus_censored.png)
By the 1560s, there was a marked downturn in reception: at various times and durations, some of Erasmus' works, especially in Protestantized editions, were placed on the various Roman, Dutch, French, Spanish and Mexican[67] Indexes of Prohibited Books, either to not be read, or to be censored and expurgated: each area had different censorship considerations and severity.[68]
Erasmus' work had been translated or reprinted throughout Europe, often with Protestantizing revisions and sectarian prefaces. Sometimes the works of Martin Luther were sold with the name of Erasmus on the cover.
Several of Erasmus' works, including his Paraphrases were banned in the Milanese and Venetian indexes of 1554.[69]
Erasmus' works were to some extent prohibited in England under Queen Mary I, from 1555.[note 30]
For the Roman Index as it emerged at the close of the Council of Trent, Erasmus' works were completely banned (1559), mostly unbanned (1564), completely banned again (1590), and then mostly unbanned again with strategic revisions (1596) by the erratic Indexes of successive Popes.[71] In the 1559 Index, Erasmus was classed with heretics; however Erasmus was never judicially arraigned, tried or convicted of heresy: the censorship rules established by the Council of Trent targeted not only notorious heretics but also those whose writings "excited heresy" (regardless of intent), especially those making Latin translations of the New Testament deemed to vie with (rather than improve or annotate or assist) the Vulgate.
The Colloquies were especially but not universally frowned on for school use, and many of Erasmus' tendentious prefaces and notes to his scholarly editions required adjustment.[72]
In Spain's Index, the translation of the Enchiridion only needed the phrase "Monkishness is not piety" removed to become acceptable. , Despite any Indexes, Charles V had The Education of a Christian Prince, which had been written for him, translated into Spanish for his son Philip II.[73]: 93
By 1896, the Roman Index still listed Erasmus' Colloquia, The Praise of Folly, The Tongue, The Institution of Christian Marriage, and one other as banned, plus particular editions of the Adagia and Paraphrase of Matthew. All other works could be read in suitable expurgated versions.[74]
Because Erasmus' scholarly editions were frequently the only sources of Patristic information in print, the strict bans were often impractical, so theologians worked to produce replacement editions building on, or copying, Erasmus' editions.
The Jesuits received a dispensation from the Roman Inquisitor General to read and use Erasmus' work[45] (not kept on the open shelves of their libraries),[75] as did priests working near Protestant areas such as Francis de Sales.
Post-Tridentine
[edit]Early Dutch Jesuit scholar Peter Canisius, who produced several works superseding Erasmus',[note 31] is known to have read, or used phrases from, Erasmus' New Testament (including the Annotations and Notes) and perhaps the Paraphrases, his Jerome biography and complete works, the Adages, the Copia, and the Colloquies:[note 32] Canisius, having actually read Erasmus, had an ambivalent view on Erasmus that contrasted with the negative line of some of his contemporaries:
Very many people applied also to Erasmus, declaring: 'Either Erasmus speaks like Luther or Luther like Erasmus' (Aut Erasmus Lutherizat, aut Lutherus Erasmizat). And yet, we must say, if we would like to render an honest judgment, that Erasmus and Luther were very different. Erasmus always remained a Catholic. [...]Erasmus criticized religion 'with craft rather than with force', often applying considerable caution and moderation to either his own opinions or errors. [...]Erasmus passed judgment on what he thought required censure and correction in the teaching of theologians and in the Church.
— Peter Canisius, De Maria virgine (1577), p601[note 33]
In contrast, Robert Bellarmine's Controversies mentions Erasmus (as presented by Erasmus' opponent Albert Pío) negatively over 100 times, categorizing him as a "forerunner of the heretics";[78]: 10 though not a heretic.[note 34] [note 35] Alphonsus Ligouri, who also had not read Erasmus, judged that Erasmus "died with the character of an unsound Catholic but not a heretic," putting it all in the context of a dispute between Theologians and Rhetoricians.[note 36]
His patristic scholarship continued to be valued by academics, as were un-controversial parts of his biblical scholarship,[80]: 614, 617 though Catholic biblical scholars started to criticize Erasmus' limited range of manuscripts for his direct New Testament as undermining his premise of correcting the Latin from the "original" Greek.[80]: 622
The Jesuit mission to China, led by Matteo Ricci,[81] adopted the approach of cultural accommodation[82] linked to Erasmus.[note 37] The early Jesuits were exposed to Erasmus at their colleges,[83] and their positioning of Confucius echoed Erasmus' positioning of "Saint" Socrates.[84]: 171
Salesian scholars have noted Erasmus' significant influence on Francis de Sales: "in the approach and the spirit he (de Sales) took to reform his diocese and more importantly on how individual Christians could become better together,"[85] his optimism,[86] civility,[87] gentle anti-militantism that promoted "humility, penance, and asceticism" over sectarian violence,[88] esteem of marriage.[89] and, according to historian Charles Béné, a piety addressed to the laity, the acceptance of mental prayer, and the valuing of pagan wisdom.[90]: 212
A famous 17th century Dominican library featured statues of famous churchmen on one side and of famous "heretics" (in chains) on the other: those foes including the two leading anti-mendicant Catholic voices William of Saint-Amour (fl. 1250) and Erasmus.[91]: 310
By 1690, Erasmus was also, rather perversely, labelled as the forerunner of the heretical tendecies in the Jansenists. [note 38]
From 1648 to 1794 and then 1845 to the present, the mainly-Jesuit Bollandist Society has been progressively publishing Lives of the Saints, in 61 volumes and supplements. Historian John C. Olin notes an accord of approach with the hitherto "unique" method, mixing critical standards and devotional/rhetorical purpose, that Erasmus had laid out in his Life of St Jerome.[93]: 97, 98
By the 1700s, Erasmus' explicit influence on most Catholic thought had largely waned, though the humanist program remained a persistant undercurrent.
Soon after the Vatican I Council, Pope Leo X issued an encyclical Providentisssimus deus (1893)[94] which taught several themes associated with Erasmus: notably that "in those things which do not come under the obligation of faith, the Saints were at liberty to hold divergent opinions, just as we ourselves are"; and that more exegetes, theologians and novices must master the original "Oriental" languages and be trained in Biblical exegesis including philology, quoting Jerome "To be ignorant of the Scripture is not to know Christ": he noted that Pope Clement V had instigated chairs of Oriental Literature in Paris, Bologna, Oxford and Salamanca (carried out in 1317.)[note 39] This was followed by an apostolic letter Vigilantiae studiique (1902)[95] which "warned that attacks on the Church are (now) generally based on linguistic arguments".[96]
Twentieth century
[edit]A historian has written that "a number of Erasmus' modern Catholic critics do not display an accurate knowledge of his writings but misrepresent him, often by relying upon hostile secondary sources," naming Yves Congar as an example.[97]: 39
A major turning point in the popular Catholic appraisal of Erasmus occurred in 1900 with rosy Benedictine historian (and, later, Cardinal) Francis Aidan Gasquet's The Eve of the Reformation which included a whole chapter on Erasmus based on a re-reading of his books and letters. Gasquet wrote "Erasmus, like many of his contemporaries, is often perhaps injudicious in the manner in which he advocated reforms. But when the matter is sifted to the bottom, it will commonly be found that his ideas are just."[note 40]
Over the last century, Erasmus's Catholic reputation has gradually started to be rehabilitated:[note 41] favourable factors may include:
- the increasingly active modern historical and theological scholarship on Erasmus suggested chinks in the traditional partisan characterizations of Erasmus;
- the retirement of the Roman Index librorum prohibitorum in 1966;
![](http://up.wiki.x.io/wikipedia/commons/thumb/7/70/John_Fisher_%28painting%29.jpg/220px-John_Fisher_%28painting%29.jpg)
- increased support for a view of Erasmus that portrays him as a conservative[note 42] endorsed by and responsive to the hierarchy[note 43] as much as a maverick, with him voicing and crystallizing mainstream and respectable Catholic thought of his time[note 44] as much as innovating;[note 45] and to an extent resuscitating Victorine (the Canons Regular of St Victor)[99]: 171–174 and Cappadocian and patristic[8]: 501–505 approaches.
- his deep friendships and interactions with three Saint-Martyrs Thomas More,[note 46] John Fisher,[note 47] and Brigittine monk Richard Reynolds.
- his acknowledged or retro-fitted influence on perhaps five Doctors of the Church (Ignatius, Theresa of Ávila, John of Ávila, Canisius, de Sales), the positive normalization of his views in influential new orders such as the Jesuits, Oratorians, Redemptorists, Ursulines[102] and Salesians,[note 48] and an increasing list of exemplary Catholics whose views channel or parallel Erasmus', such as Bartolomé de las Casas' De unico vocationis modo (1537),[103] and De la Salle's Decorum & Civility;[note 49]
- the acceptance of St John Henry Cardinal Newman's "development of doctrine", to some extent a chick hatched from the egg of Erasmus' theological historicism[note 50] and his appeal to tradition (sensus fidei fidelium) on the Eucharist;[90]: 129
- the reinvigouration of patristic ad fontes and a re-surfacing of several ideas associated with Erasmus (but ideas sometimes with a longer, forgotten patrimony, and sometimes from an even more problematic figure than Erasmus)[note 51] by ressourcement and Communio theologians, such as
- Henri de Lubac[note 52]
- Hans Urs von Balthasar, who ranked Erasmus with Augustine, Bonaventure, and Thomas Aquinas as the great theologians/exegetes;[106]
- Oratorian Louis Bouyer, who wrote that the Method of True Theology (or Ratio) of Erasmus "represents, for the first time and in admirable fashion, the use of principles and methods entirely adequate to effect a really fruitful renewal of Catholic faith and theology;"[107]
- Joseph Ratzinger, whose famous Regensberg Address emphasized the fundamental influence of Hellenic philosophy on primitive Christianity.[note 53]
- For theologian George Chantraine, Erasus's so-called skepticism was actually a function of his belief that the Church defined doctrine not individual theologians.[note 54]
- many of his themes are less controversial after being revisited by Popes: for example,
- that all interpretation of Scripture should rest on the literal sense was taught by Pope Benedict XV's Spiritus paracletus (1920), and by Pope Pius XII Divino afflante spiritu (1943), which called for new vernacular translations, and Humani generis (1950);
- his promotion of the recognition of adiaphora and toleration within bounds was taken up, to an extent, by Pope John XXIII: In necessariis unitas, in dubiis libertas, in omnibus caritas;[108][note 55] and
- John Paul II's praise of the divine foolishness in the encyclical Fides et Ratio.[109]
- His kind of emphasis on correct disposition over ceremonialism found support in Pius XXII's Mediator dei (1947) which teaches 23. The worship rendered by the Church to God must be, in its entirety, interior as well as exterior. [...] 24. But the chief element of divine worship must be interior.
- His instrumentalist approach to Christian humanism has been compared to that of John Henry Newman and the personalism of John Paul II,[note 56]: 151–164 but also has been criticized as treating the Church's doctrines merely as aids to piety.[note 57]
The Catholic scholar Thomas Cummings saw parallels between Erasmus' vision of Church reform and the vision of Church reform that succeeded at the Second Vatican Council.[110] Theologian J. Coppens noted the "Erasmian themes" of Lumen Gentium (e.g. para 12), such as the sensus fidei fidelium and the dignity of all the baptized.[90]: 130, 138, 150 Another scholar writes "in our days, especially after Vatican II, Erasmus is more and more regarded as an important defender of the Christian religion."[111] John O'Malley has commented on a certain closeness between Erasmus and Dei Verbum.[note 58]
Historian Lisa Cahill's summary "Official Catholic Social Thought on Nonviolence" notes Erasmus (with Augustine, Aquinas and St Francis of Assisi) as most notable in the development of Catholic peace theory.[note 59]
In 1963, Thomas Merton suggested "If there had been no Luther, Erasmus would now be regarded by everyone as one of the great Doctors of the Catholic Church. I like his directness, his simplicity, and his courage."[113]: 146
Notably, since the 1950s, the Roman Catholic Easter Vigil mass has included a Renewal of Baptismal Promises,[114]: 3, 4 an innovation[115] first proposed[116] by Erasmus in his Paraphrases. [note 60]
In his 1987 collection The Spirituality of Erasmus of Rotterdam historian Richard deMolen, later a Catholic priest, called for Erasmus' canonization.[117]
Protestant
[edit]![](http://up.wiki.x.io/wikipedia/commons/thumb/e/e3/Zentralbibliothek_Z%C3%BCrich_-_Effigies_praecipuorum_illustrium_atque_praestantium_aliquot_theologorum_-_000008283.jpg/220px-Zentralbibliothek_Z%C3%BCrich_-_Effigies_praecipuorum_illustrium_atque_praestantium_aliquot_theologorum_-_000008283.jpg)
Erasmus' Greek New Testament was the basis of the Textus Receptus bibles, which were used for all Protestant bible translations from 1600 to 1900, notably including the Luther Bible and the King James Version.
Protestant views on Erasmus fluctuated depending on region and period, with continual support in his native Netherlands and in cities of the Upper Rhine area. However, following his death and in the late sixteenth century, many Reformation supporters saw Erasmus's critiques of Luther and lifelong support for the universal Catholic Church as damning, and second-generation Protestants were less vocal in their debts to the great humanist.
Many of the usages fundamental to Luther, Melanchthon and Calvin, such as the forensic imputation of righteousness, grace as divine favour or mercy (rather than a medicine-like substance[note 61] or habit), faith as trust (rather than a persuasion only), "repentance" over "doing penance" (as used by Luther in the first theses of the 95 Theses), owed to Erasmus.[note 62]
Late Luther hated Erasmus: "Erasmus of Rotterdam is the vilest miscreant that ever disgraced the earth...He is a very Caiaphas;" and "Whenever I pray, I pray a curse upon Erasmus."[note 63] He attempted a Biblical analogy to justify his dismissal of Erasmus' thought: "He has done what he was ordained to do: he has introduced the ancient languages, in the place of injurious scholastic studies. He will probably die like Moses in the land of Moab...I would rather he would entirely abstain from explaining and paraphrasing the Scriptures, for he is not up to this work...to lead into the land of promise, is not his business..."[119]
A historian has even said that "the spread of Lutheranism was checked by Luther's antagonizing (of) Erasmus and the humanists."[120]: 7
Erasmus corresponded cordially with Melanchthon until the end.[21] In the view of some theologians or historians, in the decades following Erasmus and Luther's debate on free choice for salvation, Melanchthon himself gradually swang to a position closer to Erasmus' tentative synergism: in 1532 mentioning man's non-rejection of grace as a cause in conversion, and stating it more forcefully in his 1559 Loci.[121] The issue caused a division in early Lutheranism, resolved by the Formula of Concord.[note 64]
Erasmus' reception is also demonstrable among Swiss Protestants in the sixteenth century: he had an indelible influence on the biblical commentaries of, for example, Konrad Pellikan, Heinrich Bullinger, and John Calvin, all of whom used both his annotations on the New Testament and his paraphrases of same in their own New Testament commentaries.[123]
A historian noted "perhaps the most serious blow that Erasmus delivered to Luther and Protestantism he landed indirectly through the person of Ulrich Zwingli."[124] Huldrych Zwingli, the founder of the Reformed tradition, had a conversion experience after reading Erasmus' poem, "Jesus' Lament to Mankind",[125] also titled "The Complaint of Jesus".[126][note 65] Zwingli's moralism, hermeneutics and attitude to patristic authority owe to Erasmus, and contrast with Luther's.[127]
Anabaptist scholars have suggested an 'intellectual dependence'[128] of Anabaptists on Erasmus.[129] According to Dr Kenneth Davis "Erasmus had copious direct and indirect contact with many of the founding leaders of Anabaptism [...] the Anabaptists can best be understood as, apart from their own creativity, a radicalization and Protestantization not of the Magisterial Reformation but of the lay-oriented, ascetic reformation of which Erasmus is the principle mediator."[130]: 292
For evangelical Christianity, Erasmus had a strong influence[131] on Jacob Arminius, whose library featured many books by Erasmus, even though he did not dare name or quote him.[132]: 43, 44
Erasmus' promotion of the recognition of adiaphora and toleration within bounds was taken up by many kinds of Protestants.
Contemporary "radical orthdoxy" theologian John Milbank has been described as Erasmus revivivus: "First, both Milbank and Erasmus emphasize the necessity of linguistic mediation in articulating theological thought.[...]Second, they prefer a rhetorical approach to theology to dialectical one.[...]Third, at the heart of their theology is the mystery of Christ."[133]: 7
- ^ In marriage, Erasmus' two significant innovations, according to historian Nathan Ron, were that "matrimony can and should be a joyous bond, and that this goal can be achieved by a relationship between spouses based on mutuality, conversation, and persuasion."[2]: 4:43
- ^ According to historian Thomas Tentler, few Christians from his century gave as much emphasis as Erasmus to a pious attitude to death: the terrors of death are "closely connected to guilt from sin and fear of punishment" the antidote to which is first "trust in Christ and His ability to forgive sins", avoiding (Lutheran) boastful pride, then a loving, undespairing life lived with appropriate penitence. The focus of the Last Rites by priests should be comfort and hope. Tentler, Thomas N. (1965). "Forgiveness and Consolation in the Religious Thought of Erasmus". Studies in the Renaissance. 12: 110–133. doi:10.2307/2857071. ISSN 0081-8658. JSTOR 2857071. Archived from the original on 25 December 2023. Retrieved 25 December 2023.
- ^ "It is because Christ is in the pages of the bible that we meet him as a living person. As we read these pages we absorb his presence, we become one with him." Robert Sider[4]
- ^ "Erasmus had been criticizing the Catholic church for years before the reformers emerged, and not just pointing up its failings but questioning many of its basic teachings. He was the author of a series of publications, including a Greek edition of the New Testament (1516), which laid the foundations for a model of Christianity that called for a pared-down, internalized style of religiosity focused on Scripture rather than the elaborate, and incessant, outward rituals of the medieval church. Erasmus was not a forerunner in the sense that he conceived or defended ideas that later made up the substance of the Reformation thought. [...] It is enough that some of his ideas merged with the later Reformation message." Dixon, C. Scott (2012). Contesting the Reformation. Wiley-Blackwell. p. 60. ISBN 978-1-4051-1323-6.
- ^ "Unlike Luther, he accepted papal primacy and the teaching authority of the church and did not discount human tradition. The reforms proposed by Erasmus were in the social rather than the doctrinal realm. His principal aim was to foster piety and to deepen spirituality." [7]: 37
- ^ "Rigorously scientific biblical study must sustain an effort to renew the interior life, and the interior life must itself be at once the agent and the beneficiary of a renewal of the whole of Christian society." This went beyond the devotio moderna, which "was a spirituality of teachers."
- ^ Writer Gregory Wolfe notes however "For Erasmus, the narrative of decline is a form of despair, a failure to believe that the tradition can and will generate new life."[9]
- ^ monachatus non est pietas: Being a monk is not piety but he adds ‘but a way of life that may be useful or not useful according to each man’s physical make-up and disposition’.[7]: 36
- ^ DeMolen claims: "It is important to recall that Erasmus remained a member of the Austin Canons all his life. His lifestyle harmonized with the spirit of the Austin Canons even though he lived outside their monastic walls."[13] Erasmus represents the anti-Observantist wing of the canons regular who believed that the charism of their orders required them to be more externally focussed (on pastoral, missionary, scholarly, charitable and sacramental works) and correspondingly de-focussed on monastic severity and ceremonialism.
- ^ See the collequy Exequiae Seriphicae[14]
- ^ "In the first years of the Reformation many thought that Luther was only carrying out the program of Erasmus, and this was the opinion of those strict Catholics who from the outset of the great conflict included Erasmus in their attacks on Luther." Catholic Encyclopedia
- ^ An expression Erasmus coined. Bonae connotes more than just good, but also moral, honest and brave [1] literature. Such sound learning encompassed both sacred literature (Latin: sacrae litterae), namely patristic writings and sacred scriptures (Latin: sacrae scripturae), and profane literature (Latin: prophanae litterae) by classical pagan authors.[27]
- ^ Future cardinal Aleander, his former friend and roommate at the Aldine Press, wrote "The poison of Erasmus has a much more dangerous effect than that of Luther" Catholic Encyclopedia
- ^ Namely Egmondanus, the Louvain Carmelite Nicolaas Baechem.[43]
- ^ Another commentator: "Erasmus laid the egg that Luther broke" Midmore, Brian (7 February 2007). "The differences between Erasmus and Luther in their approach to reform". Archived from the original on 7 February 2007. Retrieved 3 December 2023.
- ^ publicly acknowledged by Erasmus in letter to Christóbal Mexía (1530))[46]
- ^ "It is a remarkable fact that the attitude of the popes towards Erasmus was never inimical; on the contrary, they exhibited at all times the most complete confidence in him. Paul III even wanted to make him a cardinal," Catholic Encyclopedia
- ^ Cite error: The named reference
kings
was invoked but never defined (see the help page). - ^ For example, in 1527, Pope Clement VII wrote to the Spanish Inquisitor General that he should silence those who attacked Erasmus' non-Lutheran doctrine; and Charles V (King of Spain, King of Germany, King of Sicily, Archduke of Austria, Duke of Brabant, Holy Roman Emperor) wrote to Erasmus his support. Ledo, Jorge (29 March 2018). "Which Praise of Folly Did the Spanish Censors Read?: The Moria de Erasmo Roterodamo (c. 1532–1535) and the Libro del muy illustre y doctíssimo Señor Alberto Pio (1536) on the Eve of Erasmus' Inclusion in the Spanish Index". Erasmus Studies. 38 (1): 64–108. doi:10.1163/18749275-03801004. Erasmus corresponded with a succession of protective Inquisitor Generals of Castille/Spain in the 1510s and 1520s, consulting with them on his work and attacks on it.[47]: 72
- ^ "A.H.T. Levi notes that the preface to Erasmus’s commentary on Matthew’s Gospel, published in 1522, 'contains all the major features of Ignatius’s spirituality embryonically, including the principle of the discretio spirituum (the discernment of the spirits) and, among much else taken by Ignatius, the idea of imaginatively reconstructing the episodes of Jesus’ life for meditative prayer that was to form the body of the Spiritual Exercises.[47]: 94
Ignatius claimed to have given up reading the Enchiridion finding it cold, however historian Moshe Sluhovsky traces an influence on Ignatius' Exercises from Ven. Cardinal Cisneros' posthumous Compendio breve de ejercidos espirituales (1520) on which he in turn traces an influence from Erasmus' Enchiridion. [49] - ^ Spanish scholar Antonio Pérez-Romero has claimed a bias in New World traditionalist Spanish Catholic biographers dealing with "the apparent affinity between St. Teresa and Erasmus": "the traditional castizo line that all alleged foreign influences must be discarded. However, [...] whether St. Teresa was influenced by Erasmus or by pre-Erasmian spirituality is really irrelevant; what matters is that this spirituality went against castizo religiosity."[54]: 72
- ^ John recommended a friend, García Arias, read Erasmus, but to be discrete about it: "What happens in your heart in relation to God, be careful to keep to yourself, as a woman should keep to herself that which occurs in the marriage bed with her husband." (Decades later, Arias was prior of a monastery attacked by the Inquisition for having a cell of secret Lutherans; one of the monks who fled this persecution, Casiodoro de Reina, became a Protestant in exile and translated the Biblia del Oso and works of the irenical Sebastian Castellion.)[47]: 141–143
- ^ "As emerges from Merici’s writings and according to her friends, Angela was well read in spiritual literature (she was familiar with the Scriptures, Augustine, Gregory the Great, Jacopo da Varagine’s Life of Saints, and probably with Domenico Cavalca, Catherine of Siena, The Imitation of Christ, and Erasmus’s writings)..."[57]: 251
- ^ See Erasmus' response titled Apologia by Erasmus of Rotterdam Which Is neither Arrogant nor Biting nor Angry nor Aggressive in Which He Responds to the Two Invectives of Edward Lee- I Shall Not Add What Kind of Invectives: Let the Reader Judge for Himself.
Thomas More, who was old friends with both Erasmus and Lee, wrote to Lee "Not only do all learned men both in Louvain and here disagree with you on each of these points, but the pope, best and greatest of primates, who ought to take precedence over all learned men’s votes, disagrees with you.… For at his pious urging Erasmus obediently undertook that task, which with God’s help he has now performed twice with success, and thereby he has twice earned the pope’s special thanks and approval, as his solemn missives acknowledge."[58]: 97 - ^ "The linear paradigm puts the emphasis on a one-dimensional human history which heads to a point of perfection, where it should come to an end." However, the views of reformers such as Giles of Viterbo tended to a negative linear view of spiritual decay, or was cyclical. Semonian, Narik (2016). Desiderius Erasmus: a spoiler of the Roman Catholic tradition? (Thesis). Leiden University. Retrieved 5 December 2023.
- ^ Erasmus' riposte—against the idea that less biblicism and more scholasticism was the answer—was that Wycliffe, Hus, Luther, Oecolampadius, the Anabaptists, and Hubmaier all were trained in Scholastic theology (as to an extent was he, though he claimed to have slept through the classes, particularly on Scotus): he implied that scholastic training had more caused than prevented any argumentative, doctrinaire, unbalanced, un-historical, distracted and intellectually-proud mindset. This was an implied rebuke also to the antagonistic university Scholastic theologians, to the extent that they exhibited the same mindset.[61]
- ^ Some recent historians have suggested Erasmus may have lost his election to the Lady Margaret's professorship at Cambridge due to this rivalry between scholastics and humanists.[27]
- ^ It was not helped by Erasmus' Ciceronians nor when Erasmus insultingly made Aleander a thinly-disguised character Verpius in his collequy on the miserly Manutius household Opulentia sordida (1531).[62] Erasmus suspected Aleander tried to have him poisoned.[63]: 73
- ^ Erasmus promoted the idea of priestly seminaries, and a historian was written "Erasmus’ contribution to the reform of Catholic preaching at Trent was in fact substantial, though certainly unacknowledged and probably suppressed, and ...(Erasmus' book) Ecclesiastes anticipated and informed Catholic preaching in the inter- and post- Tridentine years."[65]
- ^ Mary herself had a decade earlier translated at least the draft of The Paraphrasis of Erasmus vpon saynt Mathew, translated into Englysh,[70]: 351 so the ban may have been a reaction the addition in the English Paraphrases of Tyndale's version of Luther's Prologue to Romans, and Swiss Protestant Leo Jud's paraphrase of the Book of Revelation, to the editions.[70]: 361
- ^ Catechisms, preaching manuals, works of St Cyril of Alexandria, and a collection of St Jerome intended to counter the anti-monastic spin given in Erasmus'.Donnelly, John (1 January 1981). "Peter Canisius". Shapers of Religious Traditions in Germany, Switzerland, and Poland, 1560-1600. doi:10.2307/j.ctt211qw0c.13.: 142
- ^ Canisius' comment against personal attacks on Reformers "With words like these, we don't cure patients, we make them incurable"[76] re-works Erasmus' "It is better to cure a sick man than to kill him."[77]
- ^ Pabel notes an ambivalent attitude: "After rehearsing the many ways in which Erasmus offended Catholic beliefs about and devotion to Mary, Canisius managed not only to think of Erasmus as more of a friend than a foe of Mary but also, bizarrely, to suggest that Erasmus was still the most distinguished voice in honour of Mary. Then he remembered that Erasmus was responsible for stirring up the controversy about Mary in the first place."
- ^ "As a consultor to the Congregation of the Index, Robert Bellarmine recommended removing Erasmus from the list of heretics of the first class, since he did not consider Erasmus a heretic, despite his errors.""Entries - Erasmus". The Cambridge Encyclopedia of the Jesuits: 11–858. 16 August 2017. doi:10.1017/9781139032780.002.
- ^ Bellarmine himself had books placed on the same Roman Index as Erasmus'. Chapter 2, Blackwell, Richard J. (1991). Galileo, Bellarmine, and the Bible. University of Notre Dame Press. doi:10.2307/j.ctvpg847x. ISBN 9780268010270. JSTOR j.ctvpg847x.
- ^ However, Ligouri re-transmits Albert Pío's libel, which Luther also repeated garbled, but which was denied by Erasmus in his lifetime, that Erasmus' statement "We dare to call the Holy Spirit true God, proceeding from the Father and the Son, something the ancients did not dare to do" as asserting it is rash to call the Holy Spirit God.[79]: ch XI In context, Erasmus' claim concerned the objective historical record, used the language of the Mass about boldness not rashness, affirmed the Trinity and, in retrospect, proposed the development of doctrine.
- ^ "The method of accommodation, central in the missionary activity of Matteo Ricci, has its theological roots in the thought of Thomas Aquinas and Erasmus of Rotterdam" according to the Dean of Studies of the Pontifical Institute for Foreign Missions Criveller, Gianni (28 October 2010). "The Method of 'Accommodation'". Society of Jesus, Chinese Province. IHS. Retrieved 26 December 2023.
- ^ In 1688, a Jansenist book was written to English Catholic King James II, with the argument that in persecuting good Jansenists, the Church was being as wrong-headed as when it denounced critical but loyal Erasmus, blaming sleeping German bishops for the Reformation. Jansenists should be kept in the Church not repelled towards Protestantism. Erasmus' Catholic spirituality was held to be a reliable guide for King James, much to the puzzlement of John Locke, who reviewed the book. A book written in rebuttal saw nothing good in Erasmus' teachings and attacks on orthodoxy.[92]
- ^ There is an oblique reference to the likes of Erasmus, Cajetan, Cisneros, etc: "Nor must we forget how many learned men there were, chiefly among the religious orders, who did excellent work for the Bible between the Council of Vienne and that of Trent; men who, by the employment of modern means and appliances, and by the tribute of their own genius and learning, not only added to the rich stores of ancient times, but prepared the way for the succeeding century, the century which followed the Council of Trent, when it almost seemed that the great age of the Fathers had returned."
- ^ "He may fairly be taken as a type of the critical attitude of mind in which many even of the best and the most loyal Catholics of the day approached the consideration of the serious religious problems which were, at that time, forcing themselves upon the notice of the ecclesiastical authorities. Such men held that the best service a true son of the Church could give to religion was the service of a trained mind, ready to face facts as they were, convinced that the Christian faith had nothing to lose by the fullest light and the freest investigation, but at the same time protesting that they would suffer no suspicion to rest on their entire loyalty of heart to the authority of the teaching Church."[18]
- ^ A centennial analysis of The Catholic Historical Review in 2015 noted repeatedly that the Catholic scholarly interpretation of Erasmus had evolved over the century from a "pre-Enlightenment rationalist" to a "sincere Catholic" and "genuine Christian" thinker.[98]
- ^ Viz. his colleague Giles of Viterbo's comment on internality at the Fifth Lateran Council that "Religion should change men, not men religion" (i.e. doctrine) O'Malley, John W. (September 1967). "Historical Thought and the Reform Crisis of the Early Sixteenth Century". Theological Studies. 28 (3): 531–548. doi:10.1177/004056396702800304. S2CID 147394335.
- ^ Erasmus nearly attended the Fifth Lateran Council: in 1512, Bishop John Fisher invited Erasmus to join his delegation, but Erasmus was prevented by circumstance.Porter, H. C. (26 January 1989). "Fisher and Erasmus". Humanism, Reform and the Reformation: 81–102. doi:10.1017/CBO9780511665813.006. ISBN 9780521340342.
- ^ Such as the Archbishop of Canterbury John Morton's criticisms of corruption in certain abbeys and monasteries.
- ^ Historian Bruce Mansfield notes a 1936 doctoral dissertation Die Stellung des Erasmus von Rotterdam zur scholastischen Methode by a Redemptorist scholar Christian Dolfen that suggested that Erasmus was in fact not anti-Scholastic but wanted it practiced in moderation, as had Jean Gerson, and in any case was against the scholasticism of Duns Scotus not Aquinas.[90]: 11
- ^ "Thomas More was an unflagging apologist for Erasmus for the thirty-six years of their adult lives (1499–1535)."[100]
Erasmus scholar, Fr. Keith McConica notes "The whole meaning of his (More's) reply to Tyndale…is that Erasmianism did not necessarily lead to heresy, and that in itself it was a highly salutary, if tragically unsuccessful attempt to awake the Church to urgent reform."[101] - ^ Scheck 2021, op cit., pits the discernment of one pair of canonized saints (More and Fisher) against another pair (Canesius and Bellarmine), quoting historian Rudolph Padberg "They (More and Fisher) knew Erasmus, they defended him...their assessment of Erasmus weighs more heavily than the assessment of the next generation and of the period of Church revolution, which saw itself compelled to turn all instruments of peace into weapons." R. Padberg, Erasmus als Katechet (Freiburg im Breisgau: Herder, 1956) 18–19
- ^ There are other connections as well: in England in 1505, Erasmus was friendly with then-humanist Gian Pietro Carafa, later co-founder of the Theatines and much later still the Pope who first placed Erasmus; works on the Index.
- ^ Which builds on the genre Erasmus started with De Civilitate Morum Puerilium (1530), including his advice on the social necessity of knowing how to carve meat.[104]
- ^ Erasmus "surpassed his predecessors and contemporaries in his attempts to understand the Christian textual and theological tradition, not as one where we may cast back dogmatic formulations, onto first-century writers who had no notion of them, for example, but as one which developed according to the norms of particular times and places" Essary, Kirk (1 January 2014). "Review, Christine Christ-von Wedel, Erasmus of Rotterdam: Advocate of a New Christianity". Erasmus Studies. doi:10.1163/18749275-03401006.
- ^ "Origen (who was for me, as once for Erasmus, more important than Augustine) became the key to the entire Greek patristics, the early Middle Ages and, indeed, even to Hegel and Karl Barth." Hans Urs von Balthasar, My Work, apud Polanco, Rodrigo (2017). "Understanding Von Balthasar's Trilogy". Theologica Xaveriana. 67 (184): 411–430. doi:10.11144/javeriana.tx67-184.uvbt.
- ^ "De Lubac's preface to G. Chantraine's 'Mystere' et 'Philosophie du Christ' selon Erasmus (1971) presents Erasmus as, above all, a theologian who concentrated on the mysterium, philosophia Christi, and the bond between exegesis and theology. "[2] De Lubac thought Erasmus "bravely tried to relaunch spiritual exegesis at an unpropitious time." Nichols, Aidan (2007). Divine fruitfulness: a guide through Balthasar's theology beyond the trilogy. London: T & T Clark. ISBN 978-0567089335. p67
- ^ Summarized as "The evolution of Greek thought represented by Socrates ‘stands in close analogy’ with the evolution of Old Testament religiosity. Christianity is the result of their actual convergence." Gagné, Renaud (17 September 2020). "Whose Handmaiden? 'Hellenisation' between Philology and Theology". Classical Philology and Theology: 110–125. doi:10.1017/9781108860048.006. ISBN 978-1-108-86004-8. S2CID 224955316.
- ^ In Daniel Kinney's summary: "Erasmus, the servant of piety and gradual regeneration through the humble imitation of Christ, would prefer to play skeptic when it comes to questions of doctrine (like that of free will) which the Church has not settled definitively (Diatribe (On Free Will) 1 a 4), since the actual settling of dogma is outside his competence."[30]: 86
- ^ The phrase was coined after Erasmus' time. A more accurate characterization of Erasmus' views might be that while a certain docility was ideal for laypeople in theological matters, the quid pro quo was that theologians and bishops should keep the defined doctrines to a minimum. For example, see Tracy, James D. (1981). "Erasmus and the Arians: Remarks on the "Consensus Ecclesiae"". The Catholic Historical Review. 67 (1): 1–10. ISSN 0008-8080. JSTOR 25020997. or Cummings, Brian (5 December 2002). The Literary Culture of the Reformation. doi:10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198187356.003.0005.: 153
- ^ He believed that "learning and scholarship were a powerful weapon both for the cultivation of personal piety and institutional church reform." Cunningham, Lawrence S. (1 March 2002). The Catholic Heritage: Martyrs, Ascetics, Pilgrims, Warriors, Mystics, Theologians, Artists, Humanists, Activists, Outsiders, and Saints. Wipf and Stock Publishers. ISBN 978-1-57910-897-7.
- ^ Catholic dogmatic theologian Aidan Nichols however notes that, in justice, "for Erasmus himself, the doctrine of redemption (understood as beginning with the incarnation of the Word) remained central as giving the whole world a Christocentric orientation: the goal of all living things is the harmony of all things, and especially human beings, with God, a harmony realized, in principle, in Christ." Nichols, Aidan (28 August 2003). Shape of Catholic Theology: An Introduction To Its Sources, Principles, And History. A&C Black. ISBN 978-0-8264-4360-1. p.313
- ^ Even more important and impressive is how close Erasmus came in the “Paraclesis” to anticipating the teaching in Dei Verbum that Revelation is the revelation of a person." O’Malley, John W. (June 2019). "Theology before the Reformation: Renaissance Humanism and Vatican II". Theological Studies. 80 (2): 256–270. doi:10.1177/0040563919836245.
- ^ He "depicted war as inhuman and unholy, especially deplored violence by those claiming to act in God’s name, and saw peace as so necessary to the blessings of life that war should be avoided at virtually any cost. Although just war theory has historically been the most influential framework for Catholic teaching on the political use of force, it has always been secondary to the Catholic Christian commitment to peace."[112]
- ^ For which he was predictably accused of heresy by his university opponents, who claimed he was inventing a new sacrament.
- ^ Though Gregory Graybill still views Erasmus' view of grace "as metaphysical fuel for good works."[118]: c.54
- ^ According to Lutheran historian Lowell Green, "credit is due Erasmus for providing the terminology of " faith" and "grace" for the Protestant Reformation" as well as "imputation"[21]: 186–188
- ^ Luther, Martin (1857). "The Table Talk of Martin Luther". H. G. Bohn.': 283 (translation: Hazlitt) Also "I hold Erasmus of Rotterdam to be Christ's most bitter enemy." "With Erasmus it is translation and nothing else. He is never in earnest. He is ambiguous and a caviller" apud Armstrong, Dave; Catholicism, Biblical Evidence for (2 February 2017). "Luther's Insults of Erasmus in "Bondage of the Will" & "Table-Talk"". Biblical Evidence for Catholicism.
- ^ Which denied active synergism in II.6, yet seemingly allowed a passive synergism in II.17.[122]
- ^ These sources seem to be referring to the poem titled "Expostulatio Iesu cum homine suapte culpa pereunte", which has been titled in English as "Jesus Expostulating With Man" (in the Latin complete works, page 168), or more literally as "The expostulation of Jesus with mankind, perishing by its own fault" (in the English complete works, pp. 85–9).
- ^ Payne, John B. (1970). Erasmus: His Theology of the Sacraments. Knox.
- ^ Ron, Nathan (2021). "Erasmus on the Education and Nature of Women". Erasmus: intellectual of the 16th century. Cham: Palgrave Macmillan. pp. 37–47. doi:10.1007/978-3-030-79860-4_4 (inactive 31 January 2024). ISBN 978-3-030-79859-8. Archived from the original on 1 January 2024. Retrieved 1 January 2024.
{{cite book}}
: CS1 maint: DOI inactive as of January 2024 (link) - ^ Tylenda, Joseph N. (December 1971). "Book Review: Erasmus: His Theology of the Sacraments". Theological Studies. 32 (4): 694–696. doi:10.1177/004056397103200415. S2CID 170334683.
- ^ Sider, Robert (31 December 2020). Sider, Robert D. (ed.). "Erasmus on the New Testament". Erasmus Studies. doi:10.3138/9781487533250. ISBN 978-1-4875-3325-0. S2CID 241298542.
- ^ "Praise of Folly | work by Erasmus | Britannica".
- ^ Williams, David (15 November 2022). "Sacramental Reading: Foxe's Book of Actes and Milton's Fifth Gospel". The Communion of the Book: 157–228. doi:10.1515/9780228015857-009. ISBN 978-0-2280-1585-7.
- ^ a b Rummel, Erika (2004). "The theology of Erasmus". The Cambridge Companion to Reformation Theology. Cambridge Companions to Religion. Cambridge University Press: 28–38. doi:10.1017/CCOL0521772249.005. ISBN 9780521772242. Archived from the original on 10 November 2023. Retrieved 10 November 2023.
- ^ a b Bouyer, Louis (1969). "Erasmus in Relation to the Medieval Biblical Tradition". The Cambridge History of the Bible: Volume 2: The West from the Fathers to the Reformation. 2: 492–506. doi:10.1017/CHOL9780521042550.011. ISBN 978-1-139-05550-5.
- ^ Wolfe, Gregory. "The Erasmus Option". Image Journal (94). Archived from the original on 19 January 2024. Retrieved 19 January 2024.
- ^ Cite error: The named reference
Hoffmann 1989
was invoked but never defined (see the help page). - ^ Wallace, Peter G. (2004). European History in Perspective: The Long European Reformation. New York: Palgrave Macmillan. p. 70. ISBN 978-0-333-64451-5.
- ^ Post, Regnerus Richardus (1968). The Modern Devotion: Confrontation with Reformation and Humanism. Brill Archive.
- ^ Cite error: The named reference
demolen1
was invoked but never defined (see the help page). - ^ Cite error: The named reference
bietenholz
was invoked but never defined (see the help page). - ^ Lusset, Elizabeth (2012). "'Non monachus, sed demoniacus': Crime in Medieval Religious Communities in Western Europe, 12th – 15th Centuries" (PDF). The Monasric Research Bulletin (18). Archived (PDF) from the original on 13 December 2023. Retrieved 13 December 2023.
- ^ A Religious Pilgrimage, Seery, Stephenia. "The Colloquies of Erasmus". it.cgu.edu.
- ^ Cite error: The named reference
knowles
was invoked but never defined (see the help page). - ^ a b Gasquet, Francis Aidan (1900). The Eve of the Reformation. Studies in the Religious Life and Thought of the English people in the Period Preceding the Rejection of the Roman jurisdiction by Henry VIII.
- ^ Letter to Charles Utenhove (1523)
- ^ Cite error: The named reference
seaver
was invoked but never defined (see the help page). - ^ a b c Green, Lowell C. (1974). "The Influence of Erasmus upon Melanchthon, Luther and the Formula of Concord in the Doctrine of Justification". Church History. 43 (2): 183–200. doi:10.2307/3163951. ISSN 0009-6407. JSTOR 3163951. S2CID 170458328.
- ^ a b Galli, Mark, and Olsen, Ted. 131 Christians Everyone Should Know. Nashville: Holman Reference, 2000, p. 344.
- ^ Serikoff, Nicolaj (2004). "The Concept of Scholar-Publisher in Renaissance: Johannes Froben". Journal of the Washington Academy of Sciences. 90 (1): 53–69. ISSN 0043-0439. JSTOR 24530877.
- ^ Kleinhans, Robert G. (1970). "Luther and Erasmus, Another Perspective". Church History. 39 (4): 459–469. doi:10.2307/3162926. ISSN 0009-6407. JSTOR 3162926. S2CID 162208956. Archived from the original on 11 July 2023. Retrieved 23 May 2024.
- ^ Letter to Louis Marlianus, 25 March 1520
- ^ "Erasmus - Dutch Humanist, Protestant Challenge". www.britannica.com. Archived from the original on 21 June 2023. Retrieved 21 June 2023.
- ^ a b van Kooten, George; Payne, Matthew; Rex, Richard; Bloemendal, Jan (6 March 2024). "Erasmus' Cambridge Years (1511–1514): The Execution of Erasmus' Christian Humanist Programme, His Epitaph for Lady Margaret's Tomb in Westminster Abbey (1512), and His Failed Attempt to Obtain the Lady Margaret's Professorship in the Face of Scholastic Opposition". Erasmus Studies. 44 (1): 33–102. doi:10.1163/18749275-04401002.
- ^ Cummings, Brian (1 January 2013). "Erasmus and the Invention of Literature". Erasmus of Rotterdam Society Yearbook. 33 (1): 22–54. doi:10.1163/18749275-13330103.
- ^ "Letter of 6 September 1524". Collected Works of Erasmus. Vol. 10. University of Toronto Press. 1992. p. 380. ISBN 0-8020-5976-7.
- ^ a b Kinney, Daniel (February 1983). "Georges Chantraine, S.J ., Erasme et Luther: Libre et serf arbitre, etude Historique et Theologique. Paris : Éditions Lethielleux / Presses Universitaires de Namur, 1981. XLV + 503 pp. in-8°. 270 Fr". Moreana. 20 (Number 77) (1): 85–88. doi:10.3366/more.1983.20.1.22.
- ^ Emerton, Ephraim. "Desiderius Erasmus of Rotterdam". Project Guttenberg. Archived from the original on 30 April 2023. Retrieved 30 April 2023.
- ^ Alfsvåg, Knut (October 1995). The Identity of Theology (Dissertation) (PDF). pp. 6, 7.
- ^ Costello, Gabriel J. (2018). "Erasmus, Luther and the Free Will Debate: Influencing the Philosophy of Management 500 Years on-whether we realise it or not!". Conference: Philosophy of Management Conference University of Greenwich. Retrieved 24 October 2023.
- ^ Cite error: The named reference
massing
was invoked but never defined (see the help page). - ^ A reference to Luther's Assertio omnium articulorum per bullam Leonis X. novissimam damnatorum (Assertion of all the Articles condemned by the Bull of Leo X, 1520), WA VII.
- ^ Collected Works of Erasmus, Controversies: De Libero Arbitrio / Hyperaspistes I, Peter Macardle, Clarence H. Miller, trans., Charles Trinkhaus, ed., University of Toronto Press, 1999, ISBN 978-0-8020-4317-7 Vol. 76, p. 203
- ^ István Pieter Bejczy (2001). Erasmus and the Middle Ages: The Historical Consciousness of a Christian Humanist. Brill. p. 172. ISBN 90-04-12218-4.
- ^ Hyperaspistes, Book I, Collected Works of Erasmus, Vol. 76, pp. 204–05.
- ^ The Reformers on the Reformation (foreign), London, Burns & Oates, 1881, pp. 13–14. [3] See also Erasmus, Preserved Smith, 1923, Harper & Brothers, pp. 391–92. [4]
- ^ "Circumspice populum istum Euangelicum…" Latin text in Erasmus, Opera Omnia, (1706), vol. 10, 1578BC. [5]
- ^ Manfred Hoffmann, ed. (2010). Controversies. University of Toronto Press. doi:10.3138/9781442660076. ISBN 978-1-4426-6007-6.
- ^ Regier, Willis (1 January 2011). "Review of Erasmus, Controversies: Collected Works of Erasmus, vol. 78, trans. Peter Matheson, Peter McCardle, Garth Tissol, and James Tracy". Bryn Mawr Review of Comparative Literature. 9 (2). ISSN 1523-5734. Archived from the original on 6 August 2023. Retrieved 6 August 2023.
- ^ Cite error: The named reference
ocker
was invoked but never defined (see the help page). - ^ a b Concordia Theological Journal Archived 26 March 2023 at the Wayback Machine Was Erasmus Responsible for Luther? A Study of the Relationship of the Two Reformers and Their Clash Over the Question of the Will, Reynolds, Terrence M. p. 2, 1977. Reynolds references Arthur Robert Pennington The Life and Character of Erasmus, p. 219, 1875.
- ^ a b Pabel, Himer M. (2013). "Praise and Blame: Peter Canisius's ambivalent assessment of Erasmus". In Enenkel, Karl Alfred Engelbert (ed.). The reception of Erasmus in the early modern period. p. 139. doi:10.1163/9789004255630_007. ISBN 9789004255630.
- ^ Cite error: The named reference
letter16
was invoked but never defined (see the help page). - ^ a b c Cite error: The named reference
ingram
was invoked but never defined (see the help page). - ^ Erasmus (31 December 1998). "A Sermon on the Immense Mercy of God / Concio de immensa Dei misericordia". Spiritualia and Pastoralia: 69–140. doi:10.3138/9781442680128-003. ISBN 978-1-4426-8012-8.
- ^ Sluhovsky, Moshe (2013). "St. Ignatius of Loyola's "Spiritual Exercises" and Their Contribution to Modern Introspective Subjectivity". The Catholic Historical Review. 99 (4): 649–674. ISSN 0008-8080. JSTOR 23565320.
- ^ O'Reilly, Terence (1979). "Erasmus, Ignatius Loyola, and Orthodoxy". The Journal of Theological Studies. 30 (1): 115–127. doi:10.1093/jts/XXX.1.115. ISSN 0022-5185. JSTOR 23961674.
- ^ Levi, Anthony (October 1970). "Notes and Comments: Ignatius of Loyola and Erasmus". The Heythrop Journal. 11 (4): 421–423. doi:10.1111/j.1468-2265.1970.tb00170.x.
- ^ O'Reilly, Terence (1 January 2021). The Spiritual Exercises of Saint Ignatius of Loyola: Contexts, Sources, Reception. doi:10.1163/9789004429758_004. S2CID 241045104.
- ^ "On this day: Erasmus". National Catholic Reporter.
- ^ Pérez-Romero, Antonio (1 January 1996). Subversion and Liberation in the Writings of St. Teresa of Avila. doi:10.1163/9789004657960_005.
- ^ Coleman, David (1995). "Moral Formation and Social Control in the Catholic Reformation: The Case of San Juan de Avila". The Sixteenth Century Journal. 26 (1): 17–30. doi:10.2307/2541523. ISSN 0361-0160. JSTOR 2541523. S2CID 163720572.
- ^ Martín Hernández, Francisco (2012). "Was Saint John of Avila an Erasmian?". Anuario de Historia de la Iglesia. 21: 63–76.
- ^ Mazzonis, Querciolo (2018). "Reforming Christianity in early sixteenth-century Italy: the Barnabites, the Somaschans, the Ursulines, and the hospitals for the incurables". Archivium Hibernicum. 71: 244–272. ISSN 0044-8745. JSTOR 48564991.
- ^ Cite error: The named reference
scheck1
was invoked but never defined (see the help page). - ^ "Noël Beda". Oxford Reference.
- ^ a b Rummel, Erika (1992). "Et cum theologo bella poeta gerit: The Conflict between Humanists and Scholastics Revisited". The Sixteenth Century Journal. 23 (4): 713–726. doi:10.2307/2541729. ISSN 0361-0160. JSTOR 2541729. S2CID 165507088.
- ^ Bainton, Roland Herbert (1970). Erasmus of christendom. London: Collins. ISBN 9780002152037.
- ^ Wiltrout, Ann (1969). "The "Lazarillo De Tormes" and Erasmus' "Opulentia Sordida"". Romanische Forschungen. 81 (4): 550–564. ISSN 0035-8126. JSTOR 27937606.
- ^ Cite error: The named reference
tracey_sponge
was invoked but never defined (see the help page). - ^ Heesakkers, Chris L. (2009). "Erasmus's "Controversies"". The Catholic Historical Review. 95 (1): 79–86. ISSN 0008-8080. JSTOR 27745444.
- ^ McGinness, Frederick J. (22 September 2006). "Chapter 5. An Erasmian Legacy. Ecclesiastes and the Reform of Preaching at Trent". Heresy, Culture, and Religion in Early Modern Italy: 93–112. doi:10.1515/9780271090795-008. ISBN 978-0-271-09079-5.
- ^ Miller, Clement A. (1966). "Erasmus on Music". The Musical Quarterly. 52 (3): 332–349. doi:10.1093/mq/LII.3.332. JSTOR 3085961.
- ^ Nesvig, Martin Austin (2009). Ideology and Inquisition: The World of the Censors in Early Mexico. New Haven: Yale University Press. ISBN 978-0-300-14040-8.
- ^ Charles, Henry (1890). Chapters of the History of Spain connected with the Inquisition (PDF). Philadelophia: Lea Brothers. Retrieved 21 June 2023.
- ^ Bloemendal, Jan (6 March 2024). "Praised and Maligned: Receptions of Erasmus' Paraphrases on the New Testament: 2023 Roland Bainton Lecture". Erasmus Studies. 44 (1): 5–32. doi:10.1163/18749275-04401004.
- ^ a b Devereux, E J (1969). "he publication of the English 'Paraphrases' of Erasmus". Bulletin of the John Rylands Library. 51 (2): 348–367. doi:10.7227/BJRL.51.2.5.
- ^ Emerton (1889), p455
- ^ Wilkinson, Maurice (1924). "Erasmus, the Sorbonne and the Index". The Catholic Historical Review. 10 (3): 353–357. ISSN 0008-8080. JSTOR 25012096.
- ^ Rublack, Ulinka (2017). "People and Networks in the Age of the Reformations". Reformation Europe (2 ed.). Cambridge University Press. pp. 92–123. doi:10.1017/9781139087728.005. ISBN 978-1-107-60354-7.
- ^ "Index librorum prohibitorum sanctissimi domini nostri Leonis XIII pont. max. jussu editus". Turini: Typ. Pontificia et Archiepiscopalis Eq. P. Marietti. 1892.
- ^ Chapter 18, The Attitudes of the Jesuits toward Erasmus, Grendler, Paul F. (2 May 2022). Humanism, Universities, and Jesuit Education in Late Renaissance Italy. Brill. doi:10.1163/9789004510289_020. ISBN 9789004510289.
- ^ Burg, Kontroverslexikon, Essen, 1903, p224
- ^ Cite error: The named reference
froude_life
was invoked but never defined (see the help page). - ^ Richgels, Robert W. (1980). "The Pattern of Controversy in a Counter-Reformation Classic: The Controversies of Robert Bellarmine". The Sixteenth Century Journal. 11 (2): 3–15. doi:10.2307/2540028. ISSN 0361-0160. JSTOR 2540028. S2CID 165401003.
- ^ Ligouri, Alphonsus (1772). The History of Heresies and their Refutation (PDF). Retrieved 16 December 2023.
- ^ a b Cite error: The named reference
nellen
was invoked but never defined (see the help page). - ^ Hsia, Ronnie Po-chia (2010). A Jesuit in the Forbidden city: Matteo Ricci, 1552-1610. doi:10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199592258.003.0001.
- ^ Schloesser, Stephen (1 April 2014). "Accommodation as a Rhetorical Principle". Journal of Jesuit Studies. 1 (3): 347–372. doi:10.1163/22141332-00103001.
- ^ Criveller, Gianni. "The Background of Matteo Ricci The Shaping of his Intellectual and Scientific Endowment" (PDF). Macau Ricci Institute. Retrieved 26 December 2023.
- ^ Dijkstra, Trude (2022). Printing and publishing Chinese religion and philosophy in the Dutch Republic, 1595-1700: the Chinese imprint. Leiden Boston: Brill. ISBN 978-90-04-42639-9.
- ^ Pocetto, Alexander T. "The Salesian Approach to Why I Remain a Catholic" (PDF). DeSales University. Retrieved 19 August 2023.
- ^ Marie, Sister Susan (18 July 2022). "For Scholars: St. Francis de Sales and Erasmus, by Charles Bene". Visitation Spirit.
- ^ Wirth, Morand (2022). Saint Francis de Sales - A program of integral formation (PDF). Rome: LAS - Libreria Ateneo Salesiano. ISBN 978-88-213-1485-8. Retrieved 19 August 2023.
- ^ Donlan, Thomas A. (2018). The reform of zeal: François de Sales and militant French Catholicism. St Andrews: Centre for French History and Culture of The University of St Andrews. ISBN 978-1-907548-16-1.
- ^ McGoldrick, Terence (2015). "The Ascent of Marriage as Vocation and Sacrament. Francis de Sales' Christian Humanist Theology of Marriage. A New and Old Vision between Two Competing Traditions on the Highest Vocation from the Apostolic Church to Erasmus". Salesianum. 77: 207–249. Retrieved 19 August 2023.
- ^ a b c d Cite error: The named reference
mansfield
was invoked but never defined (see the help page). - ^ Edwards, Edward (1859). Memoirs of Libraries: Part the first. History of libraries. Trübner & Company.
- ^ Cite error: The named reference
van
was invoked but never defined (see the help page). - ^ Cite error: The named reference
olin_jesuit
was invoked but never defined (see the help page). - ^ "Pastoralis vigilantiae (June 25, 1891) | LEO XIII". www.vatican.va.
- ^ "Vigilantiae studiique (30 Octobris 1902) | LEO XIII". www.vatican.va.
- ^ Collins, Thomas Aquinas (1955). "Cardinal Cajetan's Fundamental Biblical Principles". The Catholic Biblical Quarterly. 17 (3): 363–378. ISSN 0008-7912. JSTOR 43710142.
- ^ Scheck, Thomas P. (2016). "ERASMus's PROGRAM for THEOLOGICAL RENEWAL". Erasmus's Life of Origen. Catholic University of America Press. pp. 1–42. doi:10.2307/j.ctt19rmcgd.7. ISBN 9780813228013. JSTOR j.ctt19rmcgd.7.
- ^ Bireley, Robert (2015). "The Early Modern Period in the First 100 Years of "The Catholic Historical Review"". The Catholic Historical Review. 101 (2): 94–122. ISSN 0008-8080. JSTOR 43898522.
- ^ "Erasmus and Biblical Scholasticism". The Hybrid Reformation: A Social, Cultural, and Intellectual History of Contending Forces: 157–184. 2022. doi:10.1017/9781108775434.011. ISBN 978-1-108-77543-4.
- ^ Scheck, Thomas P. (June 2021). "Thomas More: First and Best Apologist for Erasmus". Moreana. 58 (1): 75–111. doi:10.3366/more.2021.0093. S2CID 236358666.
- ^ McConica, James K. (1963). "The Recusant Reputation of Thomas More". CCHA. 30.
- ^ Mazzonis, Querciolo (2004). "A female idea of religious perfection: Angela Merici and the Company of St Ursula (1535–1540)". Renaissance Studies. 18 (3): 391–411. doi:10.1111/j.0269-1213.2004.00068.x. ISSN 0269-1213. JSTOR 24413514.
- ^ Orique O.P., David Thomas; Roldán-Figueroa, Rady (1 January 2019). Bartolomé de las Casas, O.P.: History, Philosophy, and Theology in the Age of European Expansion. Brill. doi:10.1163/9789004387669_006. ISBN 978-90-04-36973-3. S2CID 222617652. Volume 189 in series Studies in the History of Christian Traditions
- ^ McCarthy, Edwin (2015). "Reflections on The Rules of Christian Decorum and Civility" (PDF). AXIS: Journal of Lasallian Higher Education. 6 (1). Retrieved 17 January 2024.
- ^ Spencer, Mark K. "Analytic Table of Contents for Hans Urs Von Balthasar's Trilogy (Complete notes on all of Glory of the Lord, Theo-Drama, Theo-Logic, and the Epilogue)".
- ^ Von Balthasar, Theo-Drama, Volume 1: Prolegomena [105]
- ^ Erasmus and the Humanist Experiment (1957) p.175 quoted in Trethowan, Illtyd (April 1960). "Reviews of Book: Erasmus and the Humanist Experiment". The Downside Review. 78 (251): 142–143. doi:10.1177/001258066007825114.
- ^ Pope, John XXIII (June 29, 1959). Ad Petri Cathedram. Retrieved 9 August 2023.
- ^ John Paul II. "Fides et Ratio (14 September 1998)". www.vatican.va.
- ^ Cite error: The named reference
:6
was invoked but never defined (see the help page). - ^ van Ruler, Han; Martin, Terence J. (2017). "Review of Truth and Irony: Philosophical Meditations on Erasmus, MartinTerence J." Renaissance Quarterly. 70 (3): 1168–1170. ISSN 0034-4338. JSTOR 26560563.
- ^ Pontifical Council for Justice and Peace and Pax Christi International Conference on Nonviolence and Just Peace. Rome, April 11–13, 2016 “Official Catholic Social Thought on Gospel Nonviolence” Lisa Sowle Cahill (Boston College, USA)
- ^ O'Connell, Patrick F. (January 2020). "If Not for Luther? Thomas Merton and Erasmus". Merton Annual. 33: 125–146.
- ^ EASTER VIGIL PART III: THE BAPTISMAL LITURGY Presider Book (PDF). Madison, Wisconsin: Catholic Dioscese of Madison. 2020.
- ^ "Adopting a Protestant-Inspired Rite - Dialogue Mass 62 by Dr. Carol Byrne". www.traditioninaction.org.
- ^ Folla, Pamela (30 November 1999). "The Sacrament of Confirmation". Catholicireland.net.
- ^ Molen, Richard L. de (1987). The spirituality of Erasmus of Rotterdam. Nieuwkoop: De Graaf. ISBN 978-90-6004-392-9.
- ^ Graybill, Gregory (15 July 2010). Evangelical Free Will. doi:10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199589487.003.0002.
- ^ Schaff, Philip (1910). History of the Christian Church, Volume VII. Modern Christianity. The German Reformation. Charles Scribner's Sons. Retrieved 19 August 2023.
- ^ Eckert, Otto J. (1955). Luther and the Reformation (PDF). Retrieved 18 October 2023.
- ^ Drickamer, John (1979). "Did Melanchthon become a synergist?" (PDF). The Springfielder. 40 (2). Retrieved 2 May 2024.
- ^ "II. Free Will". Book of Concord. bookofconcord.org.
- ^ Essary, Kirk (2017). Erasmus and Calvin on the Foolishness of God: Reason and Emotion in the Christian Philosophy. University of Toronto Press. ISBN 9781487501884.
- ^ Cite error: The named reference
spitz
was invoked but never defined (see the help page). - ^ dseverance (2019-10-14). "Erasmus and the Renaissance of the Bible | Houston Christian University". hc.edu. Retrieved 2024-06-25.
- ^ Eire, Carlos M. N. (1989-01-27). War Against the Idols: The Reformation of Worship from Erasmus to Calvin. Cambridge University Press. p. 77. ISBN 978-0-521-37984-7.
- ^ Nauert, Charles G. (1988). "Review of The Intellectual Origins of the European Reformation". Renaissance Quarterly. 41 (4): 725–727. doi:10.2307/2861896. ISSN 0034-4338. JSTOR 2861896. S2CID 164003270.
- ^ Kyle, Richard (1999). "(Review) Erasmus, the Anabaptists, and the Great Commission". directionjournal.org. 28 (1): 126–127. Retrieved 19 August 2023.
- ^ Williamson, Darren T. (2005). Erasmus of Rotterdam's Influence upon Anabaptism: The Case of Balthasar Hubmaie (PDF). Simon Fraser University. Retrieved 6 August 2023.
- ^ Davis, Kenneth Ronald (1974). Anabaptism and Asceticism: A Study in Intellectual Origins. Herald Press. ISBN 978-0-8361-1195-8.
- ^ TeSlaa, Kevin; Treick, Paul (31 December 2018). "Arminius and the Remonstrants". Heidelberg Seminary. Retrieved 19 August 2023.
- ^ Stanglin, Keith D.; McCall, Thomas H. (15 November 2012). Jacob Arminius: Theologian of Grace. OUP USA. ISBN 978-0-19-975567-7.
- ^ Lim, Hyeongkwon (2013). John Milbank and the Mystery of the Supernatural: His Postmodern Engagement with Henri de Lubac. HAL.