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An Inuit woman tending a kudlik.
Inuit women and children soften sealskin by chewing it
Inuit women scraping caribou skin

The Inuit are indigenous people who live in the Arctic and subarctic regions of North America (parts of Alaska, Canada, and Greenland). The ancestors of the present-day Inuit are culturally related to Iñupiat (northern Alaska) and Yupik (Siberia and western Alaska),[1] and the Aleut, who live in the Aleutian Islands of Siberia and Alaska. The word "Eskimo" has been used to encompass the Inuit and Yupik, and other indigenous Alaskan and Siberian peoples,[2][3][4] but this usage is in decline due to many artic natives viewing it as a derogatory term.[5][6]

In Inuit communities, the women play a crucial role in the survival of the group. The responsibilities faced by Inuit women were considered equally as important as those faced by the men. Because of this, women are given due respect and an equal share of influence or power.[7]

Recent modernization and urbanization have transformed traditional Inuit culture and influenced the role of women within the culture. These changes include both positive and negative impacts on the overall well-being of Inuit women.[8]

Family Structure and Marriage

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"Madonna of the North" (Inuit woman with child on back, c. 1912)

In Inuit culture, marriage was not a choice, but a necessity. Inuit men and women needed each other to survive. Married couples had to work together to overcome nearly impossible living conditions. Because every individual had to rely on a partner to survive, marriages were often arranged at birth to ensure the survival of the family. Love marriages, or choice marriages, existed, but these were all but arranged because there were usually few eligible partners. A young woman was eligible for marriage after puberty, but a man had to prove he was efficient enough in hunting to support a family before he could marry.[8]

Inuit marriages rarely included large ceremonies; couples were often considered married after the birth of their first child. There were monogamous and polygamous marriages, but polygyny was rare because few men could afford to support multiple wives.[9] Families exchanged gifts before marriages, but no official bride price or dowry was paid. Although men were considered the head of the family, both genders could demand a divorce.[10] However, divorce was frowned upon because it was bad for the family and the community as a whole.[7]

Spouses were sometimes traded or exchanged, and women had some say in this process. This was a common alternative to divorce because neither family would be without a component vital to its survival — a mother and a wife. In Inuit culture, the family was typically represented by a pudlik (lamp) or a hearth, which was the property and responsibility of the wife. This lamp had significant symbolic meaning in the family, the community, and the culture.[11]

Food Production and Preparation

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Hunting and fishing were the primary sources of food for the Inuit, and men were traditionally responsible for these duties. Women's duties included gathering other sources of food, such as eggs and berries, and preparing the food the hunters brought back. Seals, walrus, whales and caribou were the most common targets of Inuit hunters. Animals killed by the hunters needed to be butchered and frozen quickly, before they went bad or froze before being butchered. Women were traditionally responsible for the butchering, skinning, and cooking of animals taken by the hunters.[12]

In Inuit culture, it was believed that the women's respect for the animals killed during hunting trips, and subsequent care when butchering them, would ensure successful hunts.[11] Food, as well as other resources, were often shared throughout the community as needed. Women were in charge of the distribution of food to families in the community.[11]

The Inuit moved with the seasons to maximize their chances of a successful hunt; their entire families often moved with them.[9] Because of this, tools and other items used by the Inuit for hunting and food preparation had to be light and easily transported. Among some Inuit groups, this led to the development of complex tools such as light and powerful metal harpoons and wood stoves, which were being used by the late 1800s.[13]

Children, Reproduction, and Motherhood

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Further information: Childbirth and Pregnancy in Inuit Communities

Childbirth and childcare tend to be very important values for women in Inuit society.[14] Warmth and affection are very important values for parents in these communities as well as kinship to build the child's sense of cultural belonging.[14] Raising Inuit children is often described as being guided through life instead of excessively lectured.[14] Mothers were not the sole parent in family units and are taught skills from both parents.[15]

Pregnancy Behaviors and Beliefs in Canada

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Pregnancy

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Traditionally, pregnant Inuit women would receive guidance from their elders. [16] Younger Inuit women often learned about the indications of pregnancy through their elders.[16] Their first introduction to this was often when they begin carrying weight, and the loss of their periods. When interviewing elders on their accounts with pregnancy in the community, they describe young Inuit women's unfamiliarity with these indications. These elders recount those young women often thought that they had been cured of their menses when they experienced amenorrhoea for the first time.[17]

In pregnancy, women's care was traditionally guided by the taboos, known as pittailliniq, from the elders in the community.[16][14] These taboos, which were passed down through generations and varied across camps and informed the woman's behaviors and activities in order to prevent complications, promote a healthy birth, and ensure desired characteristics of the infant.[16]

In interviews with Inuit elders, numerous pittailiniq about the woman's activity and behavior in pregnancy are discussed.

Preparation, Birth, and Labor

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According to elders, the women were not taught how to prepare for birth. Women expected and trusted that they would receive instruction and advice from their midwife and other birth attendants (i.e. mother and/or mother-in-law) during the event.[17] Midwives were highly revered female members of the Inuit community.[17] When the pregnant person began experiencing contractions, the midwife would gather women of the community to help in the process.[18] Pregnant people were encouraged to follow their body's physiological cues. Birth was women centered; however, the only men who became intentionally involved in birth was an angakkuq.[16] The angakkuq would intervene to remove the spiritual interference of a spirit or another malicious angakkuq, to restore the spiritual balance and normal birth conditions.[18] This was only for instances that indicated their presence.[18]

Postpartum

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Sources on traditional Inuit birth practices provide little reference to the postpartum period. One elder midwife in Nunavut described that after birth, her mother-in-law very briefly cared for the house and chores until she felt better.[18]

In regard to physical care after birth, the information is also minimal. Women, who are able to breastfeed, do so immediately after birth, often continuing for two years or longer.[17] Breastfeeding served as their only method of contraception and birth spacing.[18] Women were taught by elders how to prevent issues related to breastfeeding, and how to encourage the healing process after birth.[18]

The Newborn

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The birth of a newborn into the camp is cause for widespread celebration in the community and everyone, including children, would shake hands at its arrival.[16] And it was believed that if the mother followed the pittailiniq in pregnancy, the child would be healthy and follow a good life in the community.[18]

Immediately after birth, the infant was assessed for breathing as well as other physical ailments.[17] Also occurring immediately after birth, a designated person, often the midwife, felt the infant's genitalia to determine its gender.[16] This person then became the infant's sanaji (for an infant boy) or arnaliaq (for an infant girl) and assumed a lifelong role in the child's life.[14]

In rare instances, the child might be considered sipiniq (Inuktitut: ᓯᐱᓂᖅ), meaning the infant is believed to have changed their physical sex from male to female at the moment of birth.[19] This concept has primarily been historically attested in areas of the Canadian Arctic, such as Igloolik and Nunavik.[20]

Once assessed by the midwife and/or sanaji, the infant was promptly given to the mother for initiation of breastfeeding.[16] According to elders, the infant remained in nearly constant physical contact with her mother from the day of birth; sleeping on the family platform, riding in the amauti (baby carrier and parka worn by the mother), or nestled in her parka for feeding.[14]

Modern Health Disparities for Inuit Women in Relation to Pregnancy and Birth

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Teen Pregnancy

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According to studies looking at highly Inuit-populated areas, teen pregnancy rates of Inuit women are much higher than in other parts of Canada.[21][22][23] In Nunavut, the area of Canada containing the most Inuit women, has the highest birthrate of women from age 15 to 19. 24% of births were attributed to teenagers in Nunavut, compared to the Canadian national average of 5% in 2004.[24][23] It is important to recognize that this data is not solely for the Inuit populations in Canada, but of an area that has a high population of Inuit peoples.

This increased prevalence of teen pregnancy in Inuit communities is often attributed to lack of qualified health professionals, poor access to proper sex education, and the high rate of socio-economic determinates that contribute to teen pregnancy. [23] These determinates include factors such as low income amongst family units, overcrowded houses, and low education of parents of the teen and the teen themselves. Certain sexual behaviors such as multiple sexual partners, substance abuse before sex, and not using contraceptive devices have shown to contribute to teen pregnancy in these communities.[23] When interviewing Inuit women on their perspectives on health issues, some contribute the prevalence of teen pregnancy to attitudes within their communities. [25]

Maternal Mortality

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Maternal Mortality is elevated amongst indigenous residents compared to white residents.[26] Maternal mortality for obstetrical reasons is often linked to lack of health access, which is seen as an issue in many rural Inuit communities.[27][28][29] Maternal mortality is more often attributed to homicide of pregnant women in Inuit communities more than obstetrical causes.[28]

Infant Mortality

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Infant mortality is defined as deaths in children under 1 year of age.[30][31] These disparities have been linked to poverty and limited access to health education and services.[32]

Return to Traditional Birth Ceremonies

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Due to the high prevalence of adverse health outcomes for mothers and infants in Inuit communities, there has been a push to return to a more traditional birthing process. Women in these communities often are shipped out to external healthcare facilities to give birth.[33] This process would include stepping away from physician centered approaches and implementing properly trained midwives to guide a traditional birth.

Status in Inuit Culture

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Sexual Division of Labor

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Jobs in Inuit culture were not considered men's work or women's work, but the Inuit did believe in men's skills and women's skills. For example, hunting was generally done by men. Sewing clothes, cooking and preparing food, gathering food outside of hunting, and caring for the home were generally done by women. This does not mean that women never hunted, nor that men never helped with other jobs. This was just how the work was traditionally divided.[11]

Women hunted and boated for enjoyment or when food was scarce and the community needed extra hunters. Men and women worked together to create a functioning culture. The men would not be able to go hunting without the warm clothes the women sewed for them, and the women would not have enough food without the meat the men brought back from their hunting trips.[7]

Because of this, the work done by women received equal respect to the work done by men. While men and women generally did different work, one type of work was not considered better or more important than other types. It is easy to think that because men only had one job that they did less work. The truth is that hunting was extremely physically demanding and time-consuming, and often required traveling for days or weeks at a time. As a result, the sexual division of labor in Inuit culture was relatively equal in the amount of work done.[7]

Lack of Power and Influence

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While women were respected by men, and often treated as equals, they did not have equal power in the community. Important decisions, such as when to migrate and where to, could be made exclusively by men.[7] Inuit had as little government as any group on earth, but some groups did have tribal councils or groups of elders who made decisions for the community. These councils were almost exclusively male.[9]

Because of this, the Inuit women had little to no say in some of their communities' most important decisions. Men usually had the final say in issues such as arranging marriages and adoption or infanticide, which have a huge impact on women's lives. Although women had a relatively high position socially,[9] and had significant control of their own home, as well as ceremonially important jobs such as lighting and tending to lamps and distributing food,[13] their power was usually limited to those areas.

In addition to this, if men were unhappy with how a woman was handling her responsibilities, they could take over or transfer her work to another woman in the community whom they considered more capable. With women having less power, they are often put in difficult positions when they are not involved in the decision-making process. For example, a pregnant woman, or a woman with a newborn child, may not be able to migrate hundreds of miles through Arctic conditions in search of better hunting grounds. Factors such as these are rarely taken into account when men are the sole decision-makers for a community.[7]

Effects of Modernization and Change on Inuit Women

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An Inuit (Iñupiat) woman in traditional clothing, Nome, Alaska, 1907

After contact with other cultures, the Inuit were introduced to new technologies and modernization, which changed their lives drastically. The Inuit are now a modern people and, like almost all indigenous peoples, no longer live the way their ancestors did. This is especially true of Inuit women.[9]

New Role in the Culture

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After modernization, the Inuit began to move into Arctic towns and participate in wage labor, government employment, community councils, and the acquisition of modern clothing, housing, and vehicles. Male Inuit initially took the lead in assimilation by learning the language of the arriving culture and taking on modern, wage-earning jobs; however, a lack of education began to hinder the men's ability to find and keep jobs.[8]

As a result of this, women began to lead the way in cultural assimilation. Women started by finding work as domestic servants, store clerks, hospital aides, classroom assistants, interpreters, and in weaving and knitting shops.[8] Inuit women tend to go to school more than Inuit men, and this is especially true of college. Some universities in regions where the Inuit are prominent, such as the Nunavut Arctic College, have programs designed specifically for the Inuit. Women, much more often than men, take advantage of these programs.[34]

Because Inuit women seek more education and, subsequently, better jobs, they have increasingly taken on the role of primary wage earner for the family. This has caused men to assume responsibilities in the house that were traditionally done by the women, such as raising children and keeping the home in order.[7]

Changes in Status and Power

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The "role reversal" that has begun to occur in Inuit society has given women a major increase in power and influence. Women have begun to seek more power for themselves, both in decision-making in the family and the culture as a whole. As the primary wage earners, working women are now considered the heads of their families and have the upper hand in making decisions for them. This has complicated the relationship between Inuit men and women. Some men have begun to resent women for "stealing their rightful place as the head of the family"[7] and may turn to drinking and/or drug abuse to deal with these issues. Reactions such as these perpetuate the cycle, as men are less likely to be employed after exhibiting these behaviors.

Another change that has begun is that Inuit women have increasingly started to run for political office. Although the positions they seek are often at the community and local levels, this increase in activism reflects the new confidence Inuit women have found in the modern world.[7]

The second premier of Nunavut was a woman, Eva Aariak, who was one of two female MLAs in the Legislative Assembly of Nunavut at the time. Other women in elected positions include Elisapee Sheutiapik, also a MLA, and Madeleine Redfern, both mayors of Iqaluit. Four out of five members of parliament for the Nunavut electoral district have been women, Nancy Karetak-Lindell, Leona Aglukkaq, Mumilaaq Qaqqaq, and Lori Idlout

General Health Issues

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Scientists have found that the Inuit seem to experience more illness and health issues than other groups, especially the women and children, and especially in the post-modernization period.[35] A possible explanation is that the Inuit diet was traditionally high in fat and protein and low in fruits and vegetables.[36]

More likely explanations include a change in diet after modernization, a decrease in physical activity as traditional jobs such as hunting and constructing homes are practiced less, or exposure to alcohol, tobacco, and other drugs. Whatever the cause, diabetes, heart disease, and high cholesterol are known recurring health problems for the Inuit. Studies have shown that these issues are worse for women than other groups.[36]

Another major issue facing the Inuit is that, after modernization, suicide among Canadian and Greenlandic Inuit, violence, depression, and substance abuse have become increasingly prevalent.

The pressure for Inuit women to conform to the dress and behavior of modern Western culture is immense; however, many aspects of modern culture are foreign to the Inuit women and are at odds with the traditional practices of their culture.[7]

See Also

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References

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  1. ^ "Inuit", Canadian Encycloprdia
  2. ^ "Eskimo | Definition, History, Culture, & Facts". Encyclopedia Britannica.
  3. ^ "Why You Probably Shouldn't Say 'Eskimo'". NPR. Retrieved 2021-04-01.
  4. ^ "Eskimo: Websters Dictionary". Retrieved 1 April 2021.
  5. ^ Kaplan, Lawrence. "Inuit or Eskimo: Which name to use?". Alaska Native Language Center, University of Alaska Fairbanks. Retrieved 2021-04-01.
  6. ^ "Expert says 'meat-eater' name Eskimo an offensive term placed on Inuit". Retrieved 2021-04-01.
  7. ^ a b c d e f g h i j Billson, Janet Mancini, and Kyra Mancini. 2007. Inuit Women: Their Powerful Spirit in a Century of Change. Maryland: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc.
  8. ^ a b c d McElroy, Ann. 1975. Canadian Arctic Modernization and Change in Female Inuit Role Identification. American Ethnologist 2(4): 662–686.
  9. ^ a b c d e Morrison, David. 2004. Inuit Culture. In The Oxford Companion to Canadian History. Gerald Hallowell, ed. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
  10. ^ Lowry, Shannon. 1994. Natives of the Far North: Alaska’s Vanishing Culture Through the Eye of Edward Sheriff Curtis. Pennsylvania: Stackpole Books.
  11. ^ a b c d LeMoine, Genevieve. 2003. Woman of the House: Gender, Architecture, and Ideology in Dorset Prehistory. Arctic Anthropology 40(1): 121–138.
  12. ^ Friesen, Max T. 1999. Resource Structure, Scalar Stress, and the Development of Inuit Social Organization. World Archaeology 31(1): 21–37.
  13. ^ a b Labrador, Nachvak and Kongu Labrador. 2006. A New Design: When Europeans Met Inuit in Labrador, Home and Hearth Were Reshaped. The Beaver: Exploring Canada’s History 86(3): 26–29.
  14. ^ a b c d e f Boult D. (2006) The Inuit Way: A Guide to Inuit Culture. Pauktuutit Inuit Women's Association.
  15. ^ McElroy, Ann. 1975. Canadian Arctic Modernization and Change in Female Inuit Role Identification. American Ethnologist 2(4): 662–686.
  16. ^ a b c d e f g h Ekho, N., & Ottokie, U. (2000). Childrearing practices. In J. Briggs (Ed.), Interviewing Inuit elders (pp. 1-137). Iqaluit, NU: Nunavut Arctic College.
  17. ^ a b c d e Qinuajuak, L. (1996). Inuit birth traditions. Midwifery Today and Childbirth Education, (40), 56.
  18. ^ a b c d e f g Nakasuk S, Paniaq H, Ootoova E, Angmaalik P. (1999) Pregnancy. Interviewing Inuit elders Introduction (1): 141-143. Nunavut Arctic College.
  19. ^ Smith, Eric Alden; Smith, S. Abigail; et al. (1994). "Inuit Sex-Ratio Variation: Population Control, Ethnographic Error, or Parental Manipulation? [and Comments and Reply]". Current Anthropology. 35 (5): 617. doi:10.1086/204319. ISSN 0011-3204. JSTOR 2744084. S2CID 143679341.
  20. ^ Issenman, Betty Kobayashi (1997). Sinews of Survival: the Living Legacy of Inuit Clothing. Vancouver: UBC Press. p. 214. ISBN 978-0-7748-5641-6. OCLC 923445644.
  21. ^ Mikhail, H., Kelly, S. E., Davison, C. M. (20 March 2021). "Reproductive health interventions for Inuit youth in the north: a scoping review". Reproductive Health. 18 (1): 65. doi:10.1186/s12978-021-01119-6. ISSN 1742-4755.{{cite journal}}: CS1 maint: unflagged free DOI (link)
  22. ^ Alexander, C. S., Guyer, B. (February 1993). "Adolescent pregnancy: occurrence and consequences". Pediatric Annals. 22 (2): 85–88. doi:10.3928/0090-4481-19930201-05. ISSN 0090-4481.
  23. ^ a b c d Moisan, C., Baril, C., Muckle, G., Belanger, R. E. (9 December 2016). "Teen pregnancy in Inuit communities – gaps still needed to be filled". International Journal of Circumpolar Health. 75: 10.3402/ijch.v75.31790. doi:10.3402/ijch.v75.31790. ISSN 1239-9736.
  24. ^ Sheppard, A. J., Shapiro, G. D., Bushnik, T., Wilkins, R., Perry, S., Kaufman, J. S., Kramer, M. S., Yang, S. (15 November 2017). "Birth outcomes among First Nations, Inuit and Métis populations". Health Reports. 28 (11): 11–16. ISSN 1209-1367.
  25. ^ Healey, G. (31 January 2014). "Inuit parent perspectives on sexual health communication with adolescent children in Nunavut: "It's kinda hard for me to try to find the words"". International Journal of Circumpolar Health. 73 (1). Taylor & Francis: 25070. doi:10.3402/ijch.v73.25070. ISSN null. {{cite journal}}: Check |issn= value (help)
  26. ^ Heck, J. L., Jones, E. J., Bohn, D., McCage, S., Parker, J. G., Parker, M., Pierce, S. L., Campbell, J. (February 2021). "Maternal Mortality Among American Indian/Alaska Native Women: A Scoping Review". Journal of Women’s Health (2002). 30 (2): 220–229. doi:10.1089/jwh.2020.8890. ISSN 1931-843X.
  27. ^ Crear-Perry, J., Correa-de-Araujo, R., Lewis Johnson, T., McLemore, M. R., Neilson, E., Wallace, M. (1 February 2021). "Social and Structural Determinants of Health Inequities in Maternal Health". Journal of Women’s Health. 30 (2): 230–235. doi:10.1089/jwh.2020.8882. ISSN 1540-9996.
  28. ^ a b Kozhimannil, K. B. (18 May 2020). "Indigenous Maternal Health—A Crisis Demanding Attention". JAMA Health Forum. 1 (5): e200517. doi:10.1001/jamahealthforum.2020.0517. ISSN 2689-0186.
  29. ^ Castor, M. L., Smyser, M. S., Taualii, M. M., Park, A. N., Lawson, S. A., Forquera, R. A. (August 2006). "A Nationwide Population-Based Study Identifying Health Disparities Between American Indians/Alaska Natives and the General Populations Living in Select Urban Counties". American Journal of Public Health. 96 (8). American Public Health Association: 1478–1484. doi:10.2105/AJPH.2004.053942. ISSN 0090-0036.
  30. ^ Luo, Z.-C., Wilkins, R., Heaman, M., Smylie, J., Martens, P. J., McHugh, N. G. L., Labranche, E., Simonet, F., Wassimi, S., Minich, K., Fraser, W. D. (April 2012). "Birth outcomes and infant mortality among First Nations Inuit, and non-Indigenous women by northern versus southern residence, Quebec". Journal of Epidemiology and Community Health. 66 (4): 328–333. doi:10.1136/jech.2009.092619. ISSN 1470-2738.
  31. ^ Tomashek, K. M., Qin, C., Hsia, J., Iyasu, S., Barfield, W. D., Flowers, L. M. (December 2006). "Infant Mortality Trends and Differences Between American Indian/Alaska Native Infants and White Infants in the United States, 1989–1991 and 1998–2000". American Journal of Public Health. 96 (12): 2222–2227. doi:10.2105/AJPH.2004.053744. ISSN 0090-0036.
  32. ^ Mohamoud, Y. A., Kirby, R. S., Ehrenthal, D. B. (1 September 2021). "County Poverty, Urban–Rural Classification, and the Causes of Term Infant Death: United States, 2012-2015". Public Health Reports. 136 (5). SAGE Publications Inc: 584–594. doi:10.1177/0033354921999169. ISSN 0033-3549.
  33. ^ Lee, E., Gudmundson, B., Lavoie, J. G. "Returning childbirth to Inuit communities in the Canadian Arctic". International Journal of Circumpolar Health. 81 (1): 2071410. doi:10.1080/22423982.2022.2071410. ISSN 1239-9736.
  34. ^ Paskey, Janice. 1999. Hunting for Seals and for Inuit Culture at Nunavut Arctic College. Chronicle of Higher Education 46(13): B4
  35. ^ Kent, Heather. 2000. MDs Get Crash Course in Inuit Culture as Young Patients Arrive in Ottawa. Canadian Medical Association Journal 162(10): 1481.
  36. ^ a b Jorgenson, Marit Eika with Helen Moustgaard, Peter Bjerregaard, and Knut Borch-Johnsen. 2006. Gender Differences in the Association between Westernization and Metabolic Risk Among Greenland Inuit. European Journal of Epidemiology 21(10): 741–748.
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Category:Inuit culture Category:Indigenous health in Canada Category:North American women Category:Women in Alaska

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