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User:Generalissima/Gu Jiegang

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In this Chinese name, the family name is Gu.
Gu Jiegang
顾颉刚
Gu Jiegang, c. 1920s
Born(1893-05-08)8 May 1893
Suzhou, Jiangsu, Qing China
Died25 December 1980(1980-12-25) (aged 87)
Beijing, People's Republic of China
Academic background
Alma materPeking University
Academic work
DisciplineHistorian
Sub-disciplineSinologist, folklorist, philologist
Notable worksGushi Bian
Chinese name
Traditional Chinese顧頡剛
Simplified Chinese顾颉刚
Transcriptions
Standard Mandarin
Hanyu PinyinGù Jiégāng
Wade–GilesKu Chieh-kang
IPA[kû tɕjě.káŋ]

Gu Jiegang (8 May 1893 – 25 December 1980) was a Chinese historian, folklorist, and sinologist, noted for his critiques of traditional historiography, especially through the publication of his seven-volume Gushi Bian [zh] (古史辨; 'Debates on Ancient History') from 1926 to 1944.

Early life and education

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A black and white photo of a young boy and a partially seated older woman. Both are wearing traditional Chinese clothing and standing on either side of a cabinet holding pottery.
A young Gu Jiegang and his grandmother, c. 1900

On 8 May 1893, Gu Jiegang was born in Daoyi, a village in eastern Suzhou, Jiangsu. Suzhou was a center of scholarship during the late Qing Dynasty; both his father and grandfather were prominent local academics, ultimately descended from the 17th century scholar-official Gu Yanwu.[1][2] As Gu was the eldest child in his family, his paternal grandfather took a strong interest in his education from an early age; as an expert in classical literature and textual criticism, he instructed Gu in a traditional manner with a strong focus on the classics and histories. Gu had developed a strong interest in literature by six or seven, to which he would later attribute difficulties speaking and a lack of artistic skill.[1][3]

Gu was fascinated by historical texts such as the Zuo Zhuan, although his grandfather forbid him from reading them until he was first taught the Odes and the Book of Rites by a private tutor. The focus on the most archaic and difficult classics immensely frustrated Gu, who later wrote that his instructor "had sacrificed me on the altar of his pedagogy."[4] After his family subscribed to the Xinmin Congbao [zh] in 1903, Gu profusely read the essays of Liang Qichao. Gu was introduced to modern critiques of classical works through books brought home by his father, including a scathing critique of the Han Yu's Yuandao by Yan Fu.[5]

A black and white photo of three adolescent men standing together.
Gu Jiegang (left) with fellow Socialist Party members Ye Shengtao and Wang Boxiang, c. 1912

After the imperial examination system was abolished in 1905, Gu entered private school, attending a class taught by his father at a residence north of Suzhou. After his father was admitted to Peking University, the class was taught by a rapid succession of teachers, and he became essentially self-taught.[5][6] In 1906, he transferred to a grammar school in Suzhou, which taught a mix of traditional and western-style material; disappointed in this modernized education, his grandfather continued giving him separate instruction in the Classics. He later graduated into a local secondary school. Gu bemoaned private school as "paltry and vulgar",[7][8] but also valued its focus on science and field research.[9] In 1909, he took entrance exams into a prominent academy in Suzhou, but failed due to an entrance essay which criticized Zheng Xuan's interpretations of the Classics. His grandfather died around this time, leaving Gu to pursue increasingly heterodox study material, taking particular inspiration from the work of Tan Sitong.[10]

On 27 January 1911, Gu was entered into an arranged marriage with Wu Zhenglan. Wu was four years older than Gu, and largely illiterate, although Gu attempted to teach her to read and write.[11] They had two daughters.[12][13] In 1912, Gu published an article under Wu's name in the Funü Shibao, a prominent early Chinese women's magazine.[11]

The teenage Gu was greatly inspired by the 1911 Revolution and joined the Socialist Party of China, declaring that the revolution was not finished until it "had abolished government, had discarded the family system, and had made currency unnecessary."[7][14] However, he was quickly frustrated by cynicism within the party and left. The deteriorating political situation in China in the years following the revolution disillusioned many academics, including Gu. The dictatorship of Yuan Shikai led to a conservative crackdown on academia. Gu wrote that "of all the joyous emotions and fervent hopes that we had heaped up in previous years, we now had left only melancholy memories."[15][16]

Peking University

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Hu Shih in 1917. Hu formed a major influence on Gu's historical thought

In 1913, Gu passed the entrance exams of Peking University (abbreviated Beida). He was disappointed by academic conservatism at Beida and lost focus in coursework, occupying much of his time with Peking opera. He found friendship in fellow student Mao Zishui [zh], who introduced Gu to the lecturer Zhang Taiyan, who reinvigorated his studies.[16] Gu increasingly focused on the scholarship of antiquity, stating that he had lost interest in "contemporary affairs".[12] The following year, he began reading the work of 18th century historian Zhang Xuecheng. Inspired by Zhang's conception that the "Six Classics are history" Gu became dedicated to disproving the notion that a Golden Age occurred in ancient Chinese history.[17]

He was introduced to the conflict between the New and Old Texts through the lectures of Zhang Binglin, one of the most influential philologists of the period. However, Gu was unimpressed by Zhang, who was a proponent of the Old Texts; he aligned somewhat with the work of Kang Youwei, who accused the Old Texts of being Han dynasty forgeries.[18] Contemporary scholar Wang Guowei was another major influence of Gu's early thought on classical literature.[19]

In 1917, Gu met philosophy professor Hu Shih, who had recently returned from study in the United States. He was very inspired by Hu's heterodox views of Chinese history, and "lured" his conservative roommate Fu Sinan into attending his lectures.[13] Towards the end of 1917, Gu returned to Suzhou to care for his wife, who had fallen gravely ill. She died of tuberculosis the following year, leaving Gu depressed and in poor health. He recuperated in Suzhou for some time before returning to Beijing near the end of the year.[20]

I want to do my best in integrating the Chinese and the Western, the ancient and the modern and to sort out things, as far as we are able, in order that later generations will have a profound understanding of the process of historical evolution, that they will not retrograde but will recognize the differences and similarities between the situations in China and elsewhere so that they will neither follow other nations blindly, nor do things differently merely for the sake of difference.

Gu Jiegang, letter to Wang Boxiang, August 14, 1919[21]

Gu did not participate in the protests of May 4th, 1919, or mention them in his writings.[22] Alongside Fu, Luo Jialun, and Yu Pingbo, Gu was a co-founder of the student journal Xin Chao (新潮; 'New Tide') and its eponymous student organization, initially intended to rival the counterculture magazine New Youth.[23][24][22] Like the university itself under chancellor Cai Yuanpei, the Xin Chao strongly opposed politics, regarding it as the domain of bureaucrats and warlords.[22] Mao Zishui wrote a series of articles calling for "National Past Studies" to be viewed through the lens of the changing "National Present". He argued that the traditional history's focus on the Classics were no longer useful for the National Present, and that the study of the past should be based off science and European historiography.[25]

Writing to Fu Sinan in August 1919, Gu stated that "all learning must start with history". He came to believe that Chinese historians needed to divorce themselves from the orthodox histories and draw from both Chinese and Western historical traditions in order to better understand China as a nation.[26]

In 1919, Gu's relatives forced him to remarry, despite his strong reservations. Inspired by a regular folksong column in the Peking University, he began to turn towards folklore and poetry studies, and joined the university's Folksong Research Society. During his stays in Suzhou, he collected a variety of local rhymes and songs. He graduated from Beida in 1920, and was appointed the assistant librarian of the institute.[23][27]

Early academic career

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In his librarian position, Gu was able to read a variety of historiographical texts. He read critiques of the Old Texts by earlier generations of scholars such as Zheng Qiao [zh], Yao Jiheng [zh], and Cui Shu [zh].[23]

In 1922, Gu was forced to return again to Suzhou in order to care for his grandmother. On Hu Shih's urging, the Shanghai-based Commercial Press hired Gu as a history editor during this period.[18] Alongside Chang Hui and Dong Zuobin, he served on the editorial staff of the Folksong Research Society's periodical Folksong Weekly, which entered production in December 1922.[28] He served as the substitute editor-in-chief of the periodical in 1924 and early 1925. Advocating for the journal to cover a wider spectrum of folk culture, he participated in a survey of the temple fair on Mount Miaofeng alongside Rong Zhaozu and Sun Fuyuan, and published a series of articles on folklore. He submitted a major study on the legend of Lady Meng Jiang, publishing various folk songs, drawings, epigraphs, and Baojuan based on the story in a series of nine special issues.[29]

Gu returned to Beijing in the spring of 1924.[18]

Xiamen

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Gu joined the faculty of Xiamen University in Fujian in 1926. Under the administration of university president Lim Boon Keng, Xiamen emerged as a center of cultural studies, recruiting many scholars displaced from Beida. Lim recruited Lin Yutang as the dean of the School of Letters and the general secretary of the National Studies Institute. Lin hired Gu, Sun Fuyuan and Lu Xun as professors for the institute at a high salary. This attracted many more scholars from Beijing, including Rong Zhaozu and Chen Wanli (陳萬里). In late 1926, the faculty of the institute, including Gu, organized a weekly newsletter and a Customs Survey Society. Gu and Rong were appointed the chief editors of the newsletter, which began publication on January 5, 1927. Gu chose to specialize in studying the tombstones of the city. He also traveled to nearby Quanzhou to survey temples to the Land God.[30]

Gu feuded with Lu Xun at Xiamen. In a short story titled Li-shui ('Controlling the Waters'), Lu featured a stuttering caricature of Gu named Niaotou Xiansheng (Mr. Birdshead), making fun of both his physical appearance and lifelong speech disorder. Based on Gu's theories on the mythical origins of Yu the Great, Niaotou Xiansheng argues that Yu could not have been historical, as his named contained a radical meaning "insect", and insects are unable to divert floods.[18][31] Funding difficulties and layoffs led Gu to leave the university soon after the founding of the Customs Survey Society and the department newsletter; the National Studies Institute dissolved in mid-February 1927.[32]

Guangzhou

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Gu quickly found new employment. His former roommate Fu Sinan, now chairing two departments at Sun Yat-sen University in Guangzhou, offered him a position within the history department. Gu accepted, and began a five month journey through Shanghai, Zhejiang, and Jiangsu to purchase books for the institution; he returned with around 120,000 titles. Alongside Fu, he managed the university's new Research Institute of Linguistics and History, modeled after Beida's Institute of Sinology.[33]

Fu Sinan was enthusiastic to see Gu's contributions. In a letter published in the Journal of Sun Yat-Sen University in January 1928, he dubbed Gu the "Newton and Darwin of ancient Chinese history" and the "king of historiography".[34][35]

In 1929, alongside Yang Xiankui [zh], Gu published the San Huang Kao (三皇考; 'Study of the Three Sovereigns'), a survey of the mythological rulers of the Three Sovereigns and Five Emperors era. In the book, Gu heavily criticizes the Kuomintang's historiography, describing the concept of the Five Races[α] descended from the Yellow Emperor as historically incorrect and as a misguided lie for the sake of national unity.[36][37][38]

Gushi Bian

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We want to have the men of antiquity only be men of antiquity and not leaders today. We want to have ancient history only be be ancient history and not be the ethical teachings of today. We want ancient books to only be ancient books and not be today's resplendent repositories of the law.

Gu Jiegang, preface to Gushi Bian vol. 4, 1930[39]

Yenching

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Gu returned to Beijing and began teaching at Yenching University in 1929, where he directed the university's history department. At Yenching, he edited Yugong, a history journal, as well as the Tongsu Duwu, a popular literature magazine with a strong nationalist and anti-Japanese orientation.[40]

In March 1931, Gu Jiegang founded a historical geography journal with his graduate student Tan Qixiang. Titled Yugong Biweekly (禹贡半月刊; Yǔgòng Bànyuèkān) after the Yu Gong, an ancient geography text within the Shujing, articles within the journal were generally written by Gu's graduate students and supervised by Tan as chief editor. After Tan began teaching at Fu Jen Catholic University in the early 1930s, additional students began submitting articles to the journal.[41][42] The journal avoided taking a doctrinal approach to following particular scholars, with Gu and Tan writing in the journal's first issue that they "want to completely break this 'heroic' thinking to admit that neither some people nor ourselves are absolutely right."[41] Due to this anti-doctrinal stance, the contributors to the Yugong Biweekly were hesitant to classify themselves as a distinct school of historical thought. The journal was initially privately-funded from Gu and Tan's salaries.[41]

Due to political pressures following the release of the Gushi Bian, the Yugong Biweekly was forced to adopt a nationalistic footing in its research. Writing to his former ally Fu Sinan to request government subsidies in October 1935, Gu emphasized the nationalistic origins of the journal, stating that its intention was to "inspire readers to take back our lost territory and to build up a solid basis for nationalism".[43] Gu was able to secure funding for his graduate students to stay in academia after negotiations with Fu. This resulted in the formation of the Yugong Society at Yenching in early 1934. Gu and Tan were elected secretaries of the society alongside Feng Jiasheng [zh] and Qian Mu. A number of other members of the society would go on to become noted historians and geographers, including Yang Xiangkui [zh], Tong Shuye [zh], Shi Nianhai [zh], Hou Renzhi, Han Rulin [zh; fr], and Zhang Weihua [zh].[44][45]

Wartime

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After the Marco Polo Bridge incident and the outbreak of the Second Sino-Japanese War, Gu was forced to flee Beijing. After visiting Gansu and Qinghai under sponsorship from the Sino-British Cultural Endowment Fund, he settled in Chongqing.[40] Due to his conflicts with the Kuomintang, he was excluded from a national conference on high school history and geography education at Qingmuguan, Chongqing. He grew more receptive to nationalist views of history, seeing it as useful to counter Japanese propaganda. He worked with the Kuomintang to promote the myth of the Three Sovereigns and Five Emperors, which he had previously discredited. Although criticism of his prior positions continued, Gu ceased publication in educational journals following the outbreak of the war.[46] His disciple Yang Xiangkui was saddened by his retreat from academia and urged him to return to research.[47]

Postwar career

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Under increasing political opposition from both left-wing and right-wing sources, Gu returned to Suzhou in July 1947, where he worked as a teacher and edited the periodical Minzhong Duwu (Chinese: 民眾讀物; lit. 'Popular Literature'). He moved to Shanghai in May 1949, where he transferred between various teaching positions. By 1954, he served as the chief editor of the Silian Publishing House. He was appointed to various honorary postings in the early years of the People's Republic, serving as Suzhou's delegate to the Regional People's Representatives' Conference from 1950 to 1953, and as honorary representative to the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference in 1954. That year, he also served on the Jiangsu Provincial Board for the Maintenance of Cultural Assets.[48]

As part of a growing political campaign against Hu Shih and his thought, Gu's thought had been increasingly connected to Hu and his Pragmatism. Gu broke with Hu several decades prior, accusing Hu of taking credit for work done by his students and preventing them from publishing it. Despite this, some of Gu's colleagues had been pressured into writing critiques of Gu, Hu, and the "clique of antiquity doubters".[49] He was called upon to give an address condemning Hu in 1950. He declared Hu his "personal and political enemy", although mainly recounted experiences at Beida, and reserved strong criticism to a small portion at the end of the statement.[49]

Return to Beijing

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In September 1954, Gu returned to Beijing to serve as the head of the newly-created Institute of History of the Chinese Academy of Sciences. He initially declined the offer, but accepted after a new rank of professorship was created for him, alongside a 500-yuan/month salary.[50][51] In December 1954, he delivered a self-criticism address to the Political Consultation Conference, possibly in exchange for his appointment to the Academy. He praised the Communist Party, firmly condemned Hu Shih, and criticized his own past disagreements with Lu Xun in the mid-1920s, stating that he was overly academic and individualistic in the face of Lu's "progressive, revolutionary" views.[49]

From 1955 to the end of 1958, he additionally worked alongside He Cijun (賀次君) to compile a modernized, punctuated version of the Shiji for the Zhonghua Book Company. Gu and He initially drew from several dozen editions of the Shiji. However, Gu soon abandoned the idea of an extensive variorum and switched to a version based on an 1870 edition by Zhang Wenhu. Zhonghau deemed Gu's initial manuscript of this version overly technical, and the task was instead given to Shiji specialist Song Yunbin [zh], incorporating only some of Gu's unfinished drafts of the front and back matter for its 1959 release.[52] Gu worked alongside Rudolf Viatkin, the vice-president of the Soviet Academy of Sciences, to assist in the production of a Russian translation of the Shiji.[53]

During this period, he hoped to compile a manual entitled Draft Assessment of the Dates of Formation of Ancient Chinese Books (Chinese: 中国古书年代的初步考订; pinyin: Zhōngguó gǔshū niándài de chūbù kǎodìng), but was forced to scale back ambitions due to political pressures of the period.[54] He fell ill in May 1957, and spent the rest of the year in Qingdao to recuperate, only returning to Beijing the following January.[53] He welcomed a number of technological advances in archaeology, including computers and radiocarbon dating, believing that they would increase the pace of scientific progress.[50]

Cultural Revolution

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A color photograph of Zhou Enlai in his older age
Zhou Enlai's request for the Zhonghua Book Company to resume editing the orthodox histories was crucial in rehabilitating many Chinese historians, including Gu.

Unlike many other academics, he was able to avoid relocation to the rural countryside due to poor health. Although nominally still a professor of the Academy, his position was reduced to janitorial duties in his department, and his salary was dramatically reduced. Gu was condemned by big-character posters as a "reactionary academic authority" and subject to surveillance by the Red Guards. His library (totaling over 70,000 volumes) was sealed off, leaving him to continue his Shangshu studies based off the small amount of material which survived alongside his own memory of the classic. In order to avoid the suppression of his research, he wrote using fountain pen in copybooks he left on his children's desks; due to their stark contrast from his previous notebooks, Gu referred to them as his "special books".[54]

Political attitudes during the Cultural Revolution strongly criticized academics, dubbing them the "Stinking Old Ninth". Many of Gu's colleagues were coerced into suicide or mental breakdowns, including Tong Shuye [zh] and Zhou Yutong [zh]. Additionally, xenophobic policies led to Gu being unable to contact foreign academics or use foreign texts for his research. Gu was particularly dismayed by the historiography employed by the revolutionaries, including the rehabilitation of the forged Guwen Shangshu.[55]

Later career and death

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In 1971, Zhou Enlai ordered the Zhonghua Book Company to continue its stalled project to produce modern punctuated versions of the orthodox histories. He recalled a large number of academics from the countryside and retirement to work on the project, including Gu Jiegang alongside other noted historians such as Bai Shouyi, Wang Zhonghan [zh], Yang Bojun, and Zhang Zhenglang.[56] As the Cultural Revolution died down, Gu was gradually rehabilitated; his last book published before the revolution was reprinted in 1977. Although now in his mid-eighties, Gu drew up a number of plans for his future work, divided between three year, five year, and eight year plans beginning in 1978. In the new political environment, he heavily criticized the academia of the Cultural Revolution and the "Gang of Four Historiography".[57]

In 1977, the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences was split off of the Academy of Science, with Gu promoted to executive member of the new academy's history department. With his former students Liu Qiyu [zh] and Wang Xuhua serving as aides, he organized a large body of work into what would become posthumous publications. Gu served in various boards and advisory positions during the late 1970s; he served as a member of the China Federation of Literary and Art Circles, vice-president of the Chinese Folklore Research Society, and as a member of the Association of Chinese Historians and the Chinese Historical Archive's Society. He additionally served on the editorial boards of the Hongloumeng Xuekan and the periodical Lishi Dili.[58]

Unsolved problems such as that of the New and Old Texts simply have to await further investigation by those coming after us. Such work has been done for 1,000 years and will be continued by another 100 generations. How can anybody say its time is past and gone?

Gu Jiegang, preface to a reprint of the Gushi-bian, 1979–1980[59]

In June 1979, he served as a delegate to the 5th National People's Congress. His health began to decline soon after, prompting an extended hospital stay; during this time, he was continuously visited by representatives of periodicals requesting articles, prompting Gu to describe them as "much like tax-collectors: one going, the other coming!"[58] When his health rendered it difficult to write and he became bedridden, he dictated to his assistant Wang. He received visits from a number of historians, including western Sinologists, who had been largely shut-off from the country since the 1940s. On 25 December 1980, Gu died from a stroke at a hospital in Beijing. His will gave his body to the Chinese Academy of Medical Sciences for research.[59]

Historical thought

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Gu strongly differentiated the Zhongguo renmin (Chinese: 中国人民; lit. 'people of China') from the Han ethnicity, stating that the latter were only able to survive historically due to the steady arrival of other ethnic groups into China, such as the Wuhu, Khitan, Jurchen, and Mongols. He was strongly supportive of the incorporation of minority ethnic groups within the Chinese nation, although opposed historically to the concept of the Five Races descended from common mythic ancestors.[37][36]

Although sympathetic to aspects of historical materialism and Marxist historiography, particularly the incorporation of socioeconomic factors into historical analysis, he was opposed to the concept of economic determinism and a distinct progression through varying modes of production. He instead advocated for a pluralistic approach to historical studies incorporating a variety of sources.[60]

Bibliography

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Notes

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  1. ^ Comprising the Han, Manchu, Mongols, Hui, and Tibetans.[36]

References

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Citations

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  1. ^ a b Schneider 1971, p. 21.
  2. ^ Richter 1982, p. 287.
  3. ^ Gu 1931, pp. 5–6.
  4. ^ Gu 1931, pp. 8–10.
  5. ^ a b Richter 1993, p. 358.
  6. ^ Gu 1931, pp. 16–17.
  7. ^ a b Schneider 1971, pp. 21–22.
  8. ^ Gu 1931, pp. 18–20.
  9. ^ Hon & Culp 2007, pp. 1–2.
  10. ^ Richter 1993, p. 359.
  11. ^ a b Judge 2015, pp. 35–36.
  12. ^ a b Schneider 1971, p. 24.
  13. ^ a b Richter 1993, p. 366.
  14. ^ Gu 1931, p. 28.
  15. ^ Schneider 1971, p. 23.
  16. ^ a b Richter 1993, pp. 359–360.
  17. ^ Schneider 1969, pp. 771–774.
  18. ^ a b c d Boorman 1968, p. 246.
  19. ^ Hon 1996, p. 319.
  20. ^ Schneider 1971, pp. 24–25.
  21. ^ Zhang 1995, p. 3.
  22. ^ a b c Schneider 1971, pp. 25–27.
  23. ^ a b c Richter 1993, pp. 366–367.
  24. ^ Geng 2015, pp. 238–239.
  25. ^ Schneider 1971, pp. 29–30.
  26. ^ Zhang 1995, pp. 3–4.
  27. ^ Gao 2019, pp. 47, 49, 55.
  28. ^ Gao 2019, pp. 50–53.
  29. ^ Gao 2019, pp. 59–63, 71–74, 78.
  30. ^ Gao 2019, pp. 91–94.
  31. ^ Richter 1982, p. 290.
  32. ^ Gao 2019, pp. 96–98.
  33. ^ Gao 2019, pp. 98–100.
  34. ^ Lai 2018, p. 91.
  35. ^ Wang 2001, p. 87.
  36. ^ a b c Schneider 1971, pp. 260–261.
  37. ^ a b Hon 1996, pp. 320–321.
  38. ^ Chan 2007, pp. 169–170.
  39. ^ Schneider 1971, pp. 60–61.
  40. ^ a b Boorman 1968, pp. 246–247.
  41. ^ a b c Fan 2010, pp. 196–197, 199.
  42. ^ Fan 2010, p. 207.
  43. ^ Fan 2010, pp. 202–203.
  44. ^ Fan 2010, pp. 194–196, 199, 206.
  45. ^ Ding 2021, p. 5.
  46. ^ Chan 2007, pp. 174, 178.
  47. ^ Fan 2010, p. 212.
  48. ^ Richter 1982, pp. 288–289.
  49. ^ a b c Richter 1982, pp. 289–291.
  50. ^ a b Richter 1982, p. 288.
  51. ^ Nienhauser 1995, p. 212.
  52. ^ Nienhauser 1995, pp. 213–216.
  53. ^ a b Nienhauser 1995, pp. 212–213.
  54. ^ a b Richter 1982, p. 292.
  55. ^ Richter 1982, pp. 292–293.
  56. ^ Lu 2007, p. 209.
  57. ^ Richter 1982, p. 293.
  58. ^ a b Richter 1982, pp. 293–294.
  59. ^ a b Richter 1982, p. 294.
  60. ^ Hon 1996, p. 328.

Sources

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Further reading

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  • Richter, Ursula (1992). Zweifel am Altertum : Gu Jiegang und die Diskussion uber Chinas alte Geschichte als Konsequenz der "neuen Kulturbewegung" ca. 1915–1923 [Doubting Antiquity: Gu Jiegang and the Discussion about China's Ancient History as a Consequence of the New Culture Movement, circa 1915–1923] (in German). Franz Steiner Verlag. ISBN 9783515060530.


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