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Dominican Republic–Haiti relations

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Dominican Republic–Haiti relations
Map indicating locations of Dominican Republic and Haiti

Dominican Republic
Haiti

Dominican Republic–Haiti relations are the diplomatic relations between the nations of Dominican Republic and Haiti. Relations have long been hostile due to substantial ethnic and cultural differences, historic conflicts, territorial disputes, and sharing the island of Hispaniola, part of the Greater Antilles archipelago in the Caribbean region. The living standards in the Dominican Republic are considerably higher than those in Haiti. The economy of the Dominican Republic is ten times larger than that of Haiti.[1] The migration of impoverished Haitians and historical differences have contributed to long-standing conflicts.

The island of Hispaniola was the site of the first permanent European settlement in the Americas, the Captaincy General of Santo Domingo established in 1493 by Spain.[2][3][4][5] The Spanish Empire controlled the entire island from the 1490s until the 17th century. Due to its strategic location British and French pirates began establishing bases on the western side of the island. Battles began during colonial times and developed into constant conflicts between the European powers.[6] Eventually the island was divided in 1697, with Spain controlling the eastern side and France controlling the western side.[7]

The distinction between the colonies was accentuated by differing settlement patterns. Spain developed a settler-based society with a white and mixed-race majority, while the French brought masses of African slaves to their side of the island.[8] France imported nearly ten times as many slaves, creating a divergent population in their colony. These historical events led to Dominicans and Haitians becoming culturally and ethnically different groups.

During the start of the 19th century Haiti became independent from France after a series of slave revolts in 1804. Afterwards the Spanish colony of Santo Domingo, the predecessor of the Dominican Republic, also became independent from Spain in 1821 after more than 300 years of Spanish control. Thus since 1804 many wars, massacres, border disputes, and stand-offs have occurred between the two countries. Haiti would eventually become the poorest country in the region, while the Dominican Republic developed into one of the largest economies of Latin America. In the 21st century, illegal Haitian immigration into the Dominican Republic ensure tensions remain high. Many Haitians migrate due to extreme poverty and political unrest in their country.

History

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European colonization

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Christopher Columbus colonized the island of Hispaniola during his first voyage to the Americas in 1492.[2][3][4][5] The original inhabitants of the island were the Native Tainos, an indigenous group related to the Amazonian natives of South America. The native Tainos suffered a steep population decline early on due to brutal enslavement, warfare, and intermixing with the Spanish colonizers. When the Spanish Crown outlawed the enslavement of Natives in the island with the Laws of Burgos, slaves from West Africa and Central Africa were imported from the 16th to 18th centuries. These Africans eventually intermixed with the Europeans, Mestizos, and Natives creating a triracial Creole culture in Santo Domingo.[9] The official name was La Española, meaning "The Spanish (Island)". It was also called Santo Domingo, after Saint Dominic.

Main cities and towns of Hispaniola during the early 1600s.

The political division of the island of Hispaniola is due to the European struggle for control of the New World, when France and Spain began fighting for control of the island. They resolved their dispute in 1697 by splitting the island into two colonies.[7] France established a lucrative plantation economy and imported nearly ten times as many slaves on their side of the island. Meanwhile in the eastern side of the island the Spanish promoted the migration of white settlers from Canary Islands to fight against further incursions in the colony of Santo Domingo throughout the 18th century. The Spanish colonial administration invested more in infrastructure and institutions in Santo Domingo compared to the French administration in Haiti.

The population of Santo Domingo was approximately 125,000 in the year 1791. Of this number, 40,000 were white landowners, about 70,000 were mixed-race, and 15,000 were black slaves.[10] This contrasted sharply with neighboring Saint-Domingue (Haiti), which had an enslaved population of approximately 860,000 slaves,[11] representing 90% of the French colony's population,[12] and accounting for nearly two fifths of the entire Atlantic slave trade from 1785 to 1790.[13][14] As restrictions on colonial trade were relaxed, the colonial French elites of St. Domingue offered the principal market for Santo Domingo's exports of beef, hides, mahogany and tobacco.

Wars of Independence

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In the 1790s, large-scale slave rebellions erupted in the French portion of the island, which led to the eventual removal of the French and the independence of Haiti in 1804. At Dessaline's order, a genocide against people of European descent was perpetrated, which resulted in the ethnic cleansing of the remaining French population of Haiti. The eastern portion of the island was preparing itself for an eventual separation from Spain.

There are many cultural differences between Haiti and Dominican Republic including language barriers, cultural practices, and more. This makes a dual linguistic heritage on Hispaniola. In 1697, Hispaniola had dual cultures.

Map of the island of Hispaniola published by John Stockdale in 1800 showing the line of demarcation between French and Spanish portions of the island as defined in 1776. These divisions would later evolve into Haiti and the Dominican Republic as we know them today. Edwards further identifies the Mountains of Cibao, where Columbus famously sought for gold.

With the outbreak of the Haitian Revolution, the rich urban families linked to the colonial bureaucracy left the island, while most of the rural hateros (cattle ranchers) remained, even though they lost their principal market. Nevertheless, the Spanish crown saw in the unrest an opportunity to seize all, or part, of the western region of the island in an alliance with the rebellious slaves. The Spanish governor of Santo Domingo purchased the allegiance of mulatto and black rebel leaders and their personal armies.[15] In July 1793, Spanish forces, including former slaves, crossed the border and pushed back the disheveled French forces before them.[15]

Although the Spanish and Dominican soldiers had been successful on the island during their battles against the French,[15] such had not been the case in the European front, as Spain and Portugal lost the War of the Pyrenees, and on July 22, 1795, the French Republic and Spanish crown signed the Treaty of Basel. Frenchmen were to return to their side of the Pyrenees in Europe and Spanish Santo Domingo was to be ceded to France. This period called the Era de Francia, lasted until 1809 until being recaptured by the Dominican general Juan Sanchez Ramirez in the reconquest of Santo Domingo.

War ships in the reconquest of Santo Domingo.

Following the genocide of the French population in Haiti by Dessaline's army, which ended in April of that year, Jean-Jacques Dessalines, who later declared himself Emperor, learned of a small French garrison stationed in Santo Domingo. French troops, led by Jean-Louis Ferrand, seized black children to be sold into slavery.[citation needed] This action infuriated Dessalines, who decided to invade Santo Domingo at the head of 21,000 soldiers in February 1805.[citation needed] He managed to reach the capital, but was unable to lay siege due to its protection by a large wall. Suddenly, he was notified of a French ship heading towards Haiti, which he believed was sent to attack the country, and immediately called off the siege.[citation needed]

Along the way, Dessalines and Henri Christophe raided through the interior towns in the Cibao, while Alexandre Petion raided through Azua. They entered the cities, killing everyone they encountered, setting houses on fire, and committing numerous atrocities on the Dominicans.[citation needed] From each city, later set ablaze by the Haitians, prisoners were rounded up by the army and forced to accompany them back to Haiti.[citation needed] The march back to Haiti was nightmarish for the prisoners, who were brutalized and abused at the hands of their captors. Once arrived, the prisoners were either massacred in the streets, or forced to work as slaves on plantations on the orders of Dessalines.[citation needed] This genocidal invasion claimed the lives of nearly half of the inhabitants of the Spanish side of the island, including children, men, women, and elders of black, mixed, and white racial backgrounds.[16]

1821–1844

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Further information: España Boba
Further information: Unification of Hispaniola

On 9 November 1821 the Spanish colony of Santo Domingo was overthrown by a group of rebels at the command of José Núñez de Cáceres, the colony's former administrator,[6][17] as they proclaimed independence from the Spanish crown on 1 December 1821.[18]

Santo Domingo was regionally divided with many rival and competing provincial leaders. During this period in time the Spanish crown wielded little to no influence in the colony. Some wealthy cattle ranchers had become rulers, and sought to bring control and order in the southeast of the colony where the "law of machete" ruled the land. On November 9, 1821 the former Captain general in charge of the colony, José Núñez de Cáceres, influenced by all the Revolutions that were going on around him, finally decided to overthrow the Spanish government and declared independence from Spanish rule, this would usher in an Ephemeral Independence that was abolished by Haiti.

A group of Dominican politicians and military officers[who?] in the frontier region had expressed interest in uniting the entire island, while they sought power with military support from Haitian officials against their enemies.[citation needed]

Haiti's president, Jean-Pierre Boyer, a mulatto who was seen as an ally promised his full support to the frontier governors. Boyer had also made a concession with the French, and agreed to pay France for the lost territory of Haiti. Boyer agreed to pay a sum of 150 million Francs (nearly twice what France had charged the United States for the much larger Louisiana territory in 1803) in exchange for the recognition of Haiti's independence.

Eventually, the Boyer dictatorship became extremely unpopular throughout the island. The Dominican population grew increasingly impatient with Boyer's poor management and perceived incompetence, the suppression of Dominican culture, and the heavy taxation that was imposed on their side. The island was hit with a severe economic crisis after being forced to pay a huge indemnity to France.

Attempts to redistribute land conflicted with the Dominican system of communal land tenure (terrenos comuneros), which had arisen with the ranching economy, while the Haitian peasants also resented being forced to grow cash crops under Boyer's Code Rural.[19] In rural areas, the Haitian administration was usually too inefficient to enforce its own laws. It was in the city of Santo Domingo that the effects of the occupation were most acutely felt, and it was there that the movement for independence originated.[citation needed]

In 1838, Juan Pablo Duarte, an educated nationalist, founded a resistance movement called La Trinitaria ("The Trinity") along with Ramón Matías Mella and Francisco del Rosario Sánchez. It was so named because its original nine members had organized themselves into cells of three. The cells went on to recruit as separate organizations, maintaining strict secrecy.

In 1843, Haitian conspirators made a breakthrough as they overthrew President Jean-Pierre Boyer, while placing another mulatto Charles Rivière-Hérard in charge. Hérard, faced a rebellion by blacks in Port-au-Prince. The two regiments of Dominicans were among those used by Hérard to suppress the uprising.[20] Dominican nationalists decided to take action with the leadership of Francisco del Rosario Sánchez, Ramón Matías Mella, and Pedro Santana, a wealthy cattle-rancher from El Seibo who commanded a private army who worked on his estates.

On February 27, 1844, some 100 Dominicans seized the fortress of Puerta del Conde in the city of Santo Domingo, and the following day the Haitian garrison surrendered.[20] As these Haitian troops withdrew to the west side of the island, they pillaged, burned and massacred Dominican civilians.[20] In retaliation, Dominican gunboats bombarded Haitian ports.[21]

Dominican War of Independence (1844–1856)

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Further information: Dominican War of Independence
Dominican war with Haiti, 1844–1856

Herard, in an attempt to put an end to the rebellion, invaded the Dominican Republic at the head of a 30,000-strong army divided into three columns of 10,000 soldiers each.[22] On March 19, 1844, the Dominicans, under General Pedro Santana, defeated the Haitians at the Battle of Azua and then inflicted a further defeat on them in the north at Santiago on March 30. The Haitians were forced to retreat. On April 15, 1844, the Haitian navy suffered a heavy defeat at the Battle of Tortuguero, losing all three ships involved in the clash.[23] As a result of these successive Haitian defeats, Erard was overthrown on May 3, leading to a temporary suspension of military operations.[24] At the same time, the Dominican leaders quarreled, and on July 12, Santana's troops captured Santo Domingo and proclaimed him ruler of the Dominican Republic. As a result, the Trinitarians were removed from power.

In June 1845, the Dominicans carried the war into Haiti and captured the town of Cachiman, but were driven back in July. In turn, Jean-Louis Pierrot, the next Haitian president, launched a new offensive in August, but after three months of fighting, his army was again defeated. The Dominican navy was active, defeating the enemy in several battles and blockading the Haitian port of Cap-Haïtien.[25] When Pierrot ordered his troops to march against the Dominicans again, the Haitian army mutinied on February 27 and overthrew him. The war became extremely unpopular in Haiti, and Pierrot's successor was unable to organize a new invasion.[23]

In March 1849, Haitian President Faustin Soulouque launched his campaign against the Dominican Republic at the head of an army of 18,000 soldiers and captured Las Matas and Azua. The President of the Republic, Manuel Jimenes, was powerless to stop the Haitian invasion and had to accept a decision of the Congress of the Republic to call on Generals Pedro Santana and Antonio Duverger to fight the enemy army. General Duverger defeated the Haitians at the Battle of El Numero, and three days later Pedro Santana won the Battle of Las Carreras.[20] In November and December, the Dominican fleet carried out two operations off the coast of Haiti, bombarding and burning the coastal villages of Petit Rivière and Dame Marie.[26]

In 1851, a truce was brokered by Britain, France, and the United States, but by late 1854 the island countries were again at war.[27] In November 1855, Soulouque, who had proclaimed himself Emperor Faustin I and hoped to expand his empire to include the Dominican Republic, invaded his neighbor again with 30,000 troops divided into three columns, spreading terror and burning everything in his path.[27][28] The Haitians were again routed at the battles of Santôme, Cambronal, and the pitched battle of Sabana Larga , where on January 24, 1856, some 7,000 Dominicans defeated 9,000 Haitians after an eight-hour battle that came to hand-to-hand combat.[29][30] This Dominican triumph brought General Pedro Santana recognition from the Senate of the Dominican Republic. Soulouque on the other hand, upon his arrival in Port-au-Prince with the remaining remnants of his army, he faced vehement curses from women who had lost their sons, brothers, and husbands in the war.[29] Nevertheless, he succeeded in securing for Haiti possession of Lascahobas and Hinche.[31]

Another military invasion by the Empire of Haiti in 1859 was defeated by the Dominican forces ,[28] but years of defensive warfare against Haitian irridentism left the Dominican economy in ruins. The constant threat of renewed Haitian invasion led Pedro Santana, with support from a faction of Dominicans, to reincorporate the Dominican Republic to Spain in 1861 as an overseas province with full representation in Madrid. Certain aspects of the Spanish administration led to a guerrilla war between Dominican nationalists and Spanish forces beginning in 1863, which resulted in 10,888 Spanish soldiers killed or wounded and another 30,000 dead from yellow fever.[32] Spain spent over 33 million pesos on the war.[33] This immense monetary cost, combined with the heavy human toll of the war, led Spain to finally withdraw its forces in 1865. The Dominicans who opposed the Spanish occupation suffered 4,000 dead, while the pro-Spanish militia under Santana suffered 10,000 casualties during the conflict.[32] The military prowess displayed by the Dominican army during the Dominican Restoration War forced Haiti to realize that the goal of conquering the Dominican Republic was unattainable, and it finally recognized Dominican independence in 1867.

Parsley Massacre (1937)

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Main article: Parsley Massacre
Rafael Trujillo, president of the Dominican Republic from 1930 to 1961

The hostile relations between the two nations continued due to disputes over sections of the border, which was not finally delimited until 1929. A subsequent commission set about conducting on-the-ground demarcation, however there were continuing disputes over certain sections of the boundary. These were allocated via a treaty signed on 27 February 1935, with a final border treaty being signed on 9 March 1936. Despite this, the Dominican dictator Rafael Trujillo subsequently launched a wave of anti-Haitian violence in 1937, culminating in the Parsley massacre in which tens of thousands of Haitians were forced across the border or killed.[34][35] Rafael Trujillo ordered an attack on Haitians living in the northern border regions of the Dominican Republic, mainly in Dajabón. The number of dead is still unknown, though it is now calculated between 20,000[36] and 30,000 making it the deadliest massacre in the history of the Caribbean region.[37]

Contemporary

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Cultural and economic factors

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Though relations since then have improved, the two countries remain deeply divided on demographic, political, racial, cultural and economic lines.[38][6] Haiti's political situation is volatile, and the economy of the Dominican Republic is ten times larger than that of Haiti, prompting many Haitians to move to the DR seeking better opportunities, where they are often the subject of discrimination.[39][40] In the mid-twentieth century, the economies of the two countries were comparable. Since that time, the Dominican economy has grown while the Haitian economy has diminished. The economic downturn in Haiti has been the result of factors such as internal power struggles, rapid population growth, environmental degradation, and trade embargoes. Today, Haiti is the poorest country in the Western Hemisphere. There is a lack of resources, and Haiti's population density exceeds its neighbor's by far. Despite the UN sending missions since the 1990s, in order to maintain peace, terrible conditions persist.[38]

One large contributor to cultural dissonance is the language barrier, as Spanish is the primary language spoken in the eastern part of Hispaniola (Dominican Republic) while French and Haitian Creole are spoken in the western part (Haiti). Race is another defining factor of Dominican–Haitian relations. The ethnic composition of the Dominican population is 70% mixed race,[41] 18% white, and 12% black;[42] while 95% of the Haitian population is black.[43]

Santo Domingo, Dominican Republic capital city.

The Dominican economy is also over 1000% larger than the Haitian economy. The estimated annual per capita economic output (PPP) is US$1,819 in Haiti and US$20,625 in Dominican Republic.[44] The divergence between the level of economic development between Haiti and the Dominican Republic makes their border the one with the highest contrast of all Western world borders and it is evident that the Dominican Republic has one of the highest illegal migration issues in the Americas.[45]

Haitian migration in the Dominican Republic

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Main article: Haitians in the Dominican Republic
Haitians at the border between Haiti and the Dominican Republic.

Some cross-border cooperation exists in areas such as health, business, and infrastructure. Many Haitians travel to the Dominican Republic to find seasonal or long-term work to send remittances to their families. Some of these Haitian workers, as well as Dominicans of Haitian descent have reported complaints of discrimination against them by the Dominican majority population. Other Haitians who would seek work, instead remain in Haiti, fearing discrimination on the other side of the border.[39]

Migration has been taking place since the 1920s, when Haitian laborers were actively encouraged to come work in the thriving Dominican sugar industry. With modernization from the 1960s on, fewer workers were required, and other Dominican industries and services started employing more Haitian workers, often an inexpensive, less regulated labor source with fewer legal protections. Many Haitian women find work in Dominican households, and Haitian men at Dominican construction sites, often leading to the move of an entire family.[39]

A large number of migrated Haitian workers have continued to live in the Dominican Republic over several generations. The two governments have been unable to agree upon a legal framework to address the nationality of these descendants, leaving around one million people of Haitian ancestry in the Dominican Republic effectively stateless, restricting their access to health care, education and employment opportunities.[39]

Though migration from Haiti to the Dominican Republic is economically beneficial to both countries[citation needed], it is one of the leading contributors to tension between the two countries as well; illegal immigration from Haiti resonates high dissonance with the Dominican people. It has led to anti-Haitian feelings and mistrust of the Haitian people. Another problem with Haitian migration into Dominican Republic is that it blurs the line of citizenship. This factor of migration affects not only Dominican economy but its culture as well.[46]

Travel across the border used to be quite easy, with daily bus service from Santo Domingo to both Haiti's north and south coasts.[47] Much of the frontier was very open until the 2020s, with regular crossings to markets on either side.[48] It is possible to drive much of the line and one unfenced north–south highway actually straddles the border.[49] In September 2023, the Dominican Republic decided to close its border with Haiti following a water rights dispute.[50]

2010 Haitian earthquake

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After the devastating earthquake of 12 January 2010, countless Haitians fled across the border to escape the quake's effects. The Dominican government was one of the first to send teams to help distribute food and medicine to the victims and made it easier for Haitians to acquire visas to receive treatment in Dominican hospitals. Supplies were transported to Haiti through the Dominican Republic, and many injured Haitians have been treated in Dominican hospitals.[51]

Haitian refugees were also taken in and supported by many Dominicans, though relations deteriorated as the refugees have remained in the Dominican Republic. This has led to reported concerns among some Dominicans that quake refugees contribute to rising crime, over-crowding, cholera and unemployment. More and more discrimination has been attributed to the massive numbers of Haitian refugees in the Dominican Republic. Over the past years tensions have risen, causing the International Organization for Migration to offer Haitians $50 each plus additional relocation assistance to return to Haiti. More than 1,500 have accepted that assistance and returned.[51]

Sports

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In 2016, the baseball federations of the Dominican Republic and Haiti agreed to develop and promote baseball in Haiti (especially at the border), on the basis that sport is a developmental element to foster peace, as well as strengthening friendship and mutual respect between the two peoples. With the support of the Dominican ministry of Sports, the president of the Dominican Baseball Federation (FEDOBE) was thankful and quoted saying "it allows our federation to fulfill the dream of helping Haiti in baseball." He has pledged to put the Haitian Baseball Federation in relation to the international organizations. Coaches will be sent to Haiti for technical courses, referees and scorers by the Dominican Baseball Federation, while the Haitian Federation will support the logistics in the training and training programs.[52]

Border wall

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In February 2023, construction was started on a border wall that will cover 164 kilometers (102 miles) of the 392-kilometer (244 miles) border with Haiti.[53][54] The project includes 70 watchtowers and 41 access gates for patrolling containing fiber optics for communications, movement sensors, cameras, radars and drones.[53][55] This $32 million project will be the second longest border wall in the Americas, after the US-Mexico wall.[54] Proposals for a wall came from several Dominican politicians, including Ramfis Trujillo, grandson of Dominican dictator Rafael Trujillo, and current president Luis Abinader, as a measure to reduce irregular migration from Haiti and smuggling.[56][53] The idea is supported by the majority of the Dominican population.[57] Dominican officials claim the wall will slow the illegal drug trade and reduce the chance of gang violence in Haiti from spreading to the Dominican Republic. The project is controversial, with claims that it will do little to reduce illegal migration, will encourage bribery of Dominican Republic soldiers, and will become a source of conflict.[55] The wall is being built in Dominican Republic territory, allowing DR soldiers to patrol on both sides.

Dajabón river issue

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Embassy of Haiti in Santo Domingo

The closure (and militarization) of the Dominican Republic-Haiti border occurred in response to the construction of the Pittobert irrigation canal on the binational river known as Dajabón. The Dominican government alleges the construction of the Pittobert irrigation canal in Haiti violates the 1929 Treaty of Peace, Friendship and Arbitration between the Dominican Republic and Haiti. This stance is based on the non-consultative nature of the canal and the fact its plans involve a diversion of the binational river, which forms the entire northernmost part of the border between the Dominican Republic and Haiti. The canal was designed in 2011 by Cuban state company DINVAI. According to the North American Congress on Latin America (NACLA), “A former director of the INDHRI stated that the Haitian State's requests to use water from the binational river for irrigation were rejected in 2013, 2015 and 2017.” The construction of the canal began in 2018. In April 2021, Dominican soldiers gained illegal entrance into Haiti to stop the construction. The Dominican government applied pressure with threats, and the work was stopped shortly before the assassination of President Jovenel Moïse. Then, in August 2023, a peasant movement and the Assembly of Communal Sections (ASEC) restarted construction. Hundreds of Haitians volunteered as workers and held mass vigils. Jesuit priests and leftist organizations who work on the Dominican border have both spoken out in favor of fair use of the Dajabón River water by both countries. They also denounced mining exploitation plans that consume and contaminate enormous amounts of water, set to take place in the same Dominican border province of Dajabón (as the Pittobert irrigation canal).[58]

Resident diplomatic missions

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See also

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Footnotes

[edit]
  1. ^ "The Dominican Republic and Haiti: one island, two nations, lots of trouble". The Economist. 14 May 2016. Retrieved 8 November 2021.
  2. ^ a b "Embassy of the Dominican Republic, in the United States". Archived from the original on 24 May 2007. Retrieved 27 February 2009.
  3. ^ a b "Haiti". Central Intelligence Agency. 6 October 2021 – via CIA.gov.
  4. ^ a b Davies, Arthur (1953). "The Loss of the Santa Maria Christmas Day, 1492". The American Historical Review: 854–865. doi:10.1086/ahr/58.4.854.
  5. ^ a b Maclean, Frances (January 2008). "The Lost Fort of Columbus". Smithsonian Magazine. Retrieved 24 January 2008.
  6. ^ a b c Lancer, Jalisco. "The Conflict Between Haiti and the Dominican Republic". AllEmpires. Archived from the original on 11 December 2015. Retrieved 12 December 2015.
  7. ^ a b Wucker, Michele (1999). "Roosters". Why the Cocks Fight: Dominicans, Haitians, and the Struggle for Hispaniola (1st ed.). New York: Hill and Wang. p. 13. ISBN 978-0-8090-9713-5. LCCN 98-25785. OCLC 40200381. OL 365453M.
  8. ^ "Dominican Republic – The first colony". Country Studies. Library of Congress; Federal Research Division. Retrieved 19 June 2008.
  9. ^ "What Became of the Taíno?".
  10. ^ Valverde, Antonio Sánchez (1862). idea del valor de la isla española.
  11. ^ Coupeau, Steeve (2008). The History of Haiti. Westport, Connecticut: Greenwood Publishing Group. pp. 18–19, 23. ISBN 978-0-313-34089-5.
  12. ^ "Dominican Republic – THE FIRST COLONY". Retrieved 16 August 2016.
  13. ^ Geggus, David Patrick (2009). "The Colony of Saint-Domingue on the Eve of Revolution". In Geggus, David Patrick; Fiering, Norman (eds.). The World of the Haitian Revolution. Bloomington, Indiana: Indiana University Press. p. 7. ISBN 978-0-253-22017-2.
  14. ^ Herrmann, Molly M. (2005). The French Colonial Question and the Disintegration of While Supremacy in the Colony of Saint Domingue, 1789–1792 (PDF) (MA thesis). p. 21.
  15. ^ a b c Scheina, Robert L. (2003). Latin America's Wars: Volume 1. Potomac Books.
  16. ^ "Haitian-Dominican counterpoint: nation, state, and race in Hispaniola". Choice Reviews Online. 41 (7): 41-4210. 1 March 2004. doi:10.5860/choice.41-4210. ISSN 0009-4978.
  17. ^ Horváth, Zoltán (21 June 2014). Raeside, Rob (ed.). "Haiti: Historical Flags". Flags of the World. OCLC 39626054. Archived from the original on 28 September 2015.
  18. ^ Gates, Henry Louis; Appiah, Anthony (1999). "Dominican-Haitian Relations". Africana: The Encyclopedia of the African and African American Experience. ISBN 9780465000715. Retrieved 24 December 2007.[permanent dead link‍]
  19. ^ Terrenos comuneros arose because of "scarce population and the difficulty of dividing up the ranch in such a way that each would receive a share of the grasslands, forests, streams, palm groves, and small agricultural plots that, only when combined, made possible the exploitation of the ranch." (Hoetink, The Dominican People: Notes for a Historical Sociology transl. Stephen Ault Pg. 83 (Johns Hopkins Press: Baltimore, 1982)
  20. ^ a b c d Scheina 2003.
  21. ^ Matibag 2003, p. 113.
  22. ^ Clodfelter 2017, p. 301.
  23. ^ a b Cite error: The named reference Scheina2 was invoked but never defined (see the help page).
  24. ^ Caamaño Grullón, Claudio (2007). Caamaño: Guerra Civil 1965. Tomo I. Mediabyte, pp. 10. ISBN 9789945130461.
  25. ^ Showalter 2013.
  26. ^ Léger 1907, p. 202.
  27. ^ a b Clodfelter 2017, p. 302.
  28. ^ a b Marley 2005, p. 99.
  29. ^ a b Smith 2014, p. 81.
  30. ^ Scheina 2003, p. 1077.
  31. ^ Matibag 2003, p. 118.
  32. ^ a b Clodfelter 2017, p. 306.
  33. ^ Matibag 2003, p. 124.
  34. ^ Turtis, Richard Lee (August 2002). "A World Destroyed, A Nation Imposed: The 1937 Haitian Massacre in the Dominican Republic". Hispanic American Historical Review. 82 (3): 589–635. doi:10.1215/00182168-82-3-589. S2CID 143872486. Retrieved 26 June 2020.
  35. ^ Paulino, Edward (Fall 2013). "Bearing Witness to Genocide: The 1937 Haitian Massacre and Border of Lights". Afro-Hispanic Review. 32 (2): 111–118. JSTOR 24585148.
  36. ^ Dove, Rita (1997). "Writing 'Parsley'". In Pack, Robert; Parini, Jay (eds.). Introspections: American Poets on One of Their Own Poems. Bread Loaf Anthology (1st ed.). Middlebury, Vermont: Middlebury College Press. p. 78. ISBN 978-0-87451-773-6. LCCN 97-19542. OCLC 36842447. On October 2, 1937, [Raphael] Trujillo had ordered 20,000 Haitian cane workers executed, who were able to be identified as Haitian because they could not roll the 'R' in perejil, the Spanish word for parsley.
  37. ^ Cambeira, Alan (1996). "The Era of Trujillo: 1930–1961". Quisqueya la Bella: The Dominican Republic in Historical and Cultural Perspective. Perspectives on Latin America and the Caribbean. Armonk, New York: M. E. Sharpe. p. 182. ISBN 978-0-7656-3305-7. LCCN 96-32355. OCLC 605229117. During the 1937 massacre ... anyone ... found incapable of pronouncing correctly ... became a condemned individual. This holocaust is recorded as having a death toll reaching thirty thousand....
  38. ^ a b Silver, Alexandra (19 January 2010). "Why Haiti and the Dominican Republic Are So Different". Time. Archived from the original on 12 June 2015.
  39. ^ a b c d Schaaf, Bryan (21 May 2009). "Haiti and the Dominican Republic: Same Island, Different Worlds". Haiti Innovation. Washington, DC. Archived from the original on 4 January 2015.
  40. ^ "The Dominican Republic and Haiti: one island, two nations, lots of trouble". The Economist. 14 May 2016. Retrieved 22 November 2023.
  41. ^ "DOMINICAN REPUBLIC". Encyclopedia of the Nations.
  42. ^ "Field Listing: Ethnic Groups § Dominican Republic". The World Factbook. Central Intelligence Agency. 2015. ISSN 1553-8133. OCLC 644186015. Archived from the original on 19 September 2015.
  43. ^ "Field Listing: Ethnic Groups § Haiti". The World Factbook. Central Intelligence Agency. 2015. ISSN 1553-8133. OCLC 644186015. Archived from the original on 19 September 2015.
  44. ^ Bello, Marisol (21 January 2010). "Hispaniola comparison". USA Today. Retrieved 9 October 2016.
  45. ^ IMF – PIB per cápita (PPA) República Dominicana / Haití
  46. ^ Taylor, Erin B. (25 December 2013) [1st pub. 2013-10-25]. "Generations of Haitian Descendents Made Stateless in the Dominican Republic". The Huffington Post. Archived from the original on 31 October 2015.
  47. ^ Capital Coach Line bus from Port-au-Prince to Santo Domingo
  48. ^ In Photos: Life at the Largest Border Crossing Between Haiti and the Dominican Republic
  49. ^ Alvarez, Julia (28 November 2014). "Driving the Seam of Hispaniola (Published 2014)". The New York Times. Archived from the original on 28 December 2022.
  50. ^ "Haitian nationals clash with Dominican civilians amidst a canal and their contentious border". 9 November 2023.
  51. ^ a b Childress, Sarah (31 August 2011). "DR to Haitians: get lost". Retrieved 23 April 2023.
  52. ^ Press, ed. (10 February 2016). "Acuerdan fomentar el béisbol en Haití". Metro. Retrieved 25 May 2017. (in Spanish)
  53. ^ a b c Abiu, Ezequiel; Jorgic, Drazen (20 February 2022). "Dominican Republic begins building border wall with Haiti". Reuters. Retrieved 22 November 2023.
  54. ^ a b Balbi, Danielle (28 September 2022). "A 101-Mile Wall Goes Up to Block Haitians Pouring Over Border". Bloomberg News. Retrieved 22 November 2023.
  55. ^ a b Parkin Daniels, Joe (25 February 2022). "Dominican Republic starts work on border wall with Haiti". The Guardian. Retrieved 22 November 2023.
  56. ^ "Rafael Trujillo's grandson Ramfis wants build a wall between Haiti and the Dominican Republic".
  57. ^ "Ciudadanos dominicanos quieren aportar para la construcción de verja en la frontera". 28 February 2021.
  58. ^ "Dominican Republic and Haiti at the Crossroads of the Massacre River". NACLA. Retrieved 5 December 2023.

Works cited

[edit]
  • Clodfelter, Micheal (2017). Warfare and Armed Conflicts: A Statistical Encyclopedia of Casualty and Other Figures, 1492-2015 (4th ed.). McFarland.
  • Léger, Jacques Nicolas (1907). Haiti: Her History and Her Detractors. The Neale Publishing Company.
  • Marley, David (2005). Historic Cities of the Americas: An Illustrated Encyclopedia. ABC-CLIO.
  • Matibag, E. (2003). Haitian-Dominican Counterpoint: Nation, State, and Race on Hispaniola. Springer.
  • Serra, José María [in Spanish] (1845). "Los Haitianos". El Dominicano. No. 1.
  • Showalter, Dennis (2013). Imperial Wars 1815-1914. London: Amber Books. ISBN 978-1-78274-125-1. OCLC 1152285624.
  • Smith, Matthew J. (2014). Liberty, Fraternity, Exile: Haiti and Jamaica after Emancipation. UNC Press Books.
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