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Democratic centralism (Kuomintang)

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Democratic centralism (Chinese: 民主集权制)[a] is the main principle of Leninism, but it was also closely related to the party organization and rule of the Chinese nationalist Kuomintang (KMT) in the Republic of China. However, unlike the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), the KMT did not include "Democratic centralism" in its party constitution.[1]

Theory

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Democratic centralism of the KMT was also closely related to Sun Yat-sen's Separation of Five Powers theory. Sun thought that the parliamentary power in the Western representative democracy was so great that it was a kind of [populist] 'parliamentary dictatorship' that they controlled administrative agencies, so he argued that the inspection and legislative powers should be independent of the popularly elected parliament, so that the inspection and legislative powers should be exercised by experts, not by the people.[2][3][4] Sun's Three Principles of the People ideology saw that political power should be delegated to experts; the people can express their thoughts and have 'experts' implement them for them.[5]

History

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See also: Dang Guo

Democratic centralism of the KMT is modeled after democratic centralism of the early Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU); Lenin suggested that the organization of the party should form a secretively disciplined organization based on a small number of professional revolutionaries; during the Warlord Era, the KMT reorganized the KMT's party organization similar to the CPSU under Mikhail Borodin.[6]

The organizational structures of the Kuomintang would remain in place until the democratization on Taiwan in the 1990s and would serve as a structural basis of several Taiwanese political parties such as the Democratic Progressive Party.[7][8][9]

See also

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Notes

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  1. ^ 民主集权制 means "democratic centralism" as interpreted by the KMT. In a non-KMT case, "Democratic centralism" in Chinese translates into 民主集中制.

References

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  1. ^ 王奇生 (2003). 《党员、党权与党争：1924—1949年中国国民党的组织形态》 (in Chinese). 上海书店出版社. ISBN 978-7-80678-050-3. 两党对组织原则的解释基本相似，只是俄文汉译时名称略异。国民党未像俄共那样将"民主集权制"写入党章，但在"一大"通过的"纪律问题"决议案中明文规定以"民主主义的集权"。
  2. ^ 桂宏誠《中華民國立憲理論與1947年的憲政選擇》：「眾所皆知，孫中山將權能區分理論正面表述為『人民有權，政府有能』，但若從負面來表述，未嘗不也意味『人民應該有權，但人民不一定有能』。……因此孫中山主張區分政權與治權，即意味了人民主權機關與立法機關應有所區分。」「國民大會為孫中山規畫中的政權機關，實亦即為象徵主權在民的機關，而立法則被歸為政府治能，故成為以院為名稱的治權機關。其次，國民大會的組成分子稱代表，已不若國會議員稱議員，此一改變，也當與國民大會不具有議政功能有關。同樣的，立法院的組成份子稱委員，則與孫中山設計中的立法院為專家立法，且屬政府權能的治權有關。且稱委員，也意味了並非由國民直接選舉產生，而是受國民大會委託，專責立法的人員，故不是象徵主權在民的機關。」
  3. ^ 孫文《國父全書》〈五權憲法〉：「乃二百年前有法國學者孟德斯鳩，他著了一部書叫做《法意》，有人亦叫做《萬法精義》，發明了三權獨立底學說，主張立法、司法、行政三權分立。但英國後來因政黨發達，已漸漸變化。現在英國並不是行三權政治，實在是一權政治。英國現在底政治制度是國會獨裁，行議會政治；就是政黨政治，以黨治國。」
  4. ^ 孫文《國父全書》〈三民主義與中國民族之前途〉：「現在立憲各國，沒有不是立法機關兼有監督的權限；那權限雖然有強有弱，總是不能獨立，因此生出無數弊病。比方美國糾察權歸議院掌握，往往擅用此權，挾制行政機關，使他不得不頫首聽命，因此常常成為議院專制，除非有雄才大略的總統，如林肯、麥堅尼、羅斯福等才能達到行政獨立之目的。」
  5. ^ "權能分開". Archived from the original on 2016-03-04. Retrieved 2015-08-29.
  6. ^ 宋淑玉 刘 红. "中国国民党兴衰：借鉴与启示". Archived from the original on 2016-03-04. Retrieved 2015-08-29.
  7. ^ De Francis, John (1952). "The Government and Politics of China. Ch'ien Tuan-Sheng". The Journal of Modern History. 24: 89. doi:10.1086/237490.
  8. ^ Rigger, Shelley (2001). "The Democratic Progressive Party in 2000: Obstacles and Opportunities". The China Quarterly. 168. Cambridge University Press (CUP): 944–959. doi:10.1017/s0009443901000559. S2CID 154393722.
  9. ^ Roctus, Jasper (2020). Democratization of Leninist Parties: Causes for the Chinese Communist Party and Chinese Nationalist Party's Divergence of Reform Outcomes during the Late 20th Century (MA thesis). Universiteit Gent.
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