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Anti-People's Republic of China

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"Chinazi" flag during Hong Kong's protest in August 2019
Anti-People's Republic of China
Traditional Chinese反中華人民共和國
Simplified Chinese反中华人民共和国
Transcriptions
Standard Mandarin
Hanyu Pinyinfǎn Zhōnghuá rénmín gònghéguó
Bopomofoㄈㄢˇ ㄓㄨㄥ ㄏㄨㄚˊ ㄖㄣˊ ㄇㄧㄣˊ ㄍㄨㄥˋ ㄏㄜˊ ㄍㄨㄛˊ
Wade–Gilesfan3 Chung1hua2 Jên2min2 Kung4ho2kuo2
Alternative Chinese name
Traditional Chinese反中國
Simplified Chinese反中国
Literal meaningAnti-China
Transcriptions
Standard Mandarin
Hanyu Pinyinfǎn Zhōngguó
Bopomofoㄈㄢˇ ㄓㄨㄥ ㄍㄨㄛˊ
Wade–Gilesfan3 Chung12kuo2
Second alternative Chinese name
Traditional Chinese反中
Simplified Chinese反中
Transcriptions
Standard Mandarin
Hanyu Pinyinfǎn Zhōng
Bopomofoㄈㄢˇ ㄓㄨㄥ
Wade–Gilesfan3 Chung1
Third alternative Chinese name
Traditional Chinese反中共
Simplified Chinese反中共
Literal meaningAnti-Chinese Communism
Transcriptions
Standard Mandarin
Hanyu Pinyinfǎn Zhōnggòng
Bopomofoㄈㄢˇ ㄓㄨㄥ ㄍㄨㄥˋ
Wade–Gilesfan3 Chung1kung4

Anti-People's Republic of China (Chinese: 反中華人民共和國) or simply anti-PRC (Chinese: 反中; lit. 'anti-China')[1][2][3][4][a] is antipathy to the People's Republic of China, opposition to its government, opposition to the social system and ideology of the Chinese Communist Party, etc. "Anti-PRC" (反中) is different from "anti-Chinese sentiment" in cultural and ethnic contexts (Chinese: 反華),[4] but they sometimes appear at the same time.

Reasons cited for opposing the People's Republic of China include opposition to the one-party rule of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) in the PRC, opposing the suppression of Chinese democracy, human rights abuses, dissidents being arrested and threatened with personal safety, and strong oppression of internal separatist movements in the PRC.

History

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Mao era

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In 1949, when the Second Chinese Civil War was terminated and the People's Republic of China (PRC) was established in mainland China, the existing Republic of China (ROC) was 'retreat' to Taiwan. However, in the early Cold War, the PRC was not recognized by many Western countries and was sometimes referred to as "Red China",[5] with the ROC being called "Free China".[6] Until 1971, the permanent members of the United Nations Security Council, 'China' was the ROC controlling Taiwan, not the PRC controlling mainland China. At the time, the Republic of China and its Western allies openly opposed the PRC, claiming that the ROC was the only legitimate 'China'.

After the Chinese economic reform

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See also: Chinese imperialism

As the People's Republic of China's external power grows under sustained economic growth, the surrounding countries have become more concerned about the external expansion of the People's Republic of China through state capitalism, and its long-term tendency towards hegemony and neo-imperialism, with its nationalistic sentiments and territorial disputes with neighboring countries, which has led to the emergence of the Chinese threat theory within each country.[7][8][9][10] For example, the Sunflower Student Movement in Taiwan reflects the anxiety of Taiwanese young people in Taiwan about the threat of China, especially the influence of China on Taiwan's internal democratic development through its political and economic power.[7] 2012, when Tsai Ing-wen, chairman of the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) of Taiwan, and Wang Dan, an exiled dissident from China, had a conversation, Tsai Ing-wen suggested that the DPP was not against China, but against the hegemony and undemocratic nature of the People's Republic of China (PRC).[11]

Definition and Interpretation of Anti-People's Republic of China

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Opposition to the People's Republic of China does not necessarily equate to opposition to or disapproval of the Chinese people or culture, but "anti-PRC" is often equated with "anti-Chinese" because the government of the People's Republic of China is considered by most countries in the international arena to be the sole legitimate government of China and the sole representative of the Chinese people in China and around the globe. The PRC government equates its counter-discussion of its regime or policies with "anti-Chinese" (反華), which means total rejection and opposition to China, its Chinese people or culture. In Hong Kong, for example, pro-Communists have launched a website called Against the pan-Democrats, for the sake of Hong Kong (反泛民，救香港), which categorizes pan-Democrats as anti-Chinese "Hanjian scum" (漢奸人渣) and "anti-China and stirring up trouble in Hong Kong" (反中亂港).[12]

In The Third Chinese Imagination: The Chinese Factor and Democracy in Taiwan (第三種中國想像：中國因素與台灣民主), published by Wu Jiemin (吳介民), an associate researcher at Academia Sinica in Taiwan, it was argued that the People's Republic of China (PRC) factor threatened the development of Taiwanese democracy. However, he advocated treating the government of the People's Republic of China and the mainland Chinese people separately, and believed that a third way should be established between the two directions of pro-PRC and anti-PRC. He hoped that Taiwan would have positive interactions with democrats and civic organizations in mainland China, and would not only focus on the government of the PRC and the Chinese Communist Party. Former Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) Chairman Frank Hsieh was interviewed by China Times on January 14, 2014; he believes that although Taiwan is opposed to being ruled by the PRC government, this sentiment should not be extended to the Chinese people, and should not be negative towards spouses or students from Mainland China who come to Taiwan to study and survive. Lin Yi-hsiung, also the former chairman of the DPP, advocated that Taiwan should develop positive interactions with the People's Republic of China and refrain from engaging in international political confrontation, a view supported by the celebrity Dong Zhisen.[13][14][15]

By region

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People's Republic of China

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In the 1980s, in the face of a high level of economic disparity with Hong Kong, Taiwan, and Western countries compared to mainland China, some Chinese society and intellectuals followed the overall Westernization theory.[16]

The modern cultural trend of the Chinese continent in the 1980s, represented by the documentary River Elegy that preceded the 1989 Tiananmen Incident, completely denied China and Chinese civilizations.[17][18]

In the 21st century, against the backdrop of China's economic rise and strengthening of its national power, Chinese society has become dominated by nationalist sentiments.[19] However, it is not uncommon for individual citizens to express their dissatisfaction with the People's Republic of China, and such sentiments have spread through the Internet.

Republic of China or Taiwan

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See also: Cross-strait relations

After 1949, due to the defeat in the Second Chinese Civil War, the Republic of China (ROC) government under the Kuomintang (KMT) retreated to Taiwan, claiming that it still had full sovereignty over mainland China; the People's Republic of China (PRC), which was established in mainland China, also claimed to be the sole legitimate representative of China, claiming sovereignty over all Chinese territories (including Taiwan), but it has not yet been able to rule Taiwan.

Hong Kong

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Main article: Hong Kong–Mainland China conflict

After the victory of the Chinese Communist Party in the Second Chinese Civil War, some anti-Communist Mainlanders moved southward to Hong Kong to establish their roots, including members of the Kuomintang, intellectuals and capitalists. Tens of thousands moved to Hong Kong in 1949 to escape the Chinese Communist Revolution. The population of Hong Kong increased from 1.8 million in 1947 to 2.2 million in 1951. As mainland Chinese fled to Hong Kong over the next 30 years, the population of Hong Kong increased by 1 million every 10 years. Those who experienced hunger and political struggle under the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) internalized stronger anti-communist sentiments than Hong Kongers who did not experience CCP rule.[20] After the pro-Communist "Leftists" started the 1967 Hong Kong riots, which were suppressed by the British Hong Kong Government, Hong Kong people's local consciousness was strengthened, and anti-communist consciousness also sprouted. Pro-Nationalists "Rightists" is not "anti-Chinese" because it supports pan-Chinese nationalism while opposing the PRC.

See also

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Notes

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  1. ^ The Chinese word 反中 may mean cultural "anti-Chinese" (反華) in a broad sense or political "anti-PRC" (反中華人民共和國) in a narrow sense, depending on the context.

References

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  1. ^ Chih-yu Shih; Prapin Manomaivibool; Reena Marwah (August 13, 2018). China Studies In South And Southeast Asia: Between Pro-china And Objectivism. World Scientific Publishing Company. p. 36.
  2. ^ 紀紅兵; 內幕出版社 (August 25, 2016). 《十九大不准奪權》: 反貪─清除野心家 (in Chinese). 內幕出版社. ISBN 978-1-68182-072-9. Archived from the original on August 26, 2024. Retrieved August 26, 2024. ... 第三點,作為獨立學者,與您分享下本人"反中不反華"的觀點。
  3. ^ 蕭文軒; ‎顧長永; ‎林文斌 (2020). 柬埔寨的政治經濟變遷（1953-2018）. Lian jing chu ban shi ye gu fen you xian gong si. ISBN 978-957-08-5468-8. 顯然,蘇、越所建立的「反中印支陣線」(Anti-PRC Indochina Front)獲得鞏固。
  4. ^ a b C Wu (2020). Nationalism and Social Order in Public "Two keywords highlight attacks to the Chinese nation: anti-PRC (反中) and anti-China (反华)."
  5. ^ TIME (1966-05-20). "Essay: WHAT THE U.S. KNOWS ABOUT RED CHINA". TIME. Retrieved 2025-01-29.
  6. ^ China (Taiwan), Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Republic of (1968-01-01). "The month in Free China". Taiwan Today. Retrieved 2025-01-29.{{cite web}}: CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link)
  7. ^ a b "台灣年輕人普遍陷入焦慮，促使「反中護台」意識高漲". Archived from the original on 2015-04-23. Retrieved 2015-08-13.
  8. ^ "Meeting China's Military Challenge: Collective Responses of U.S. Allies and Partners". The National Bureau of Asian Research (NBR). nbr.org. Archived from the original on 2022-03-17. Retrieved 2022-03-12.
  9. ^ Richardson, Michael (2013-02-12). "Troubling signs of the rise of Chinese ultra-nationalists". The Sydney Morning Herald. 雪梨晨鋒報. Archived from the original on 2022-03-17. Retrieved 2022-03-12.
  10. ^ "The domestic and international consequences of Xi's political philosophy". The Strategist. 2021-09-03. Archived from the original on 2022-03-25. Retrieved 2022-03-12.
  11. ^ "蔡英文：民進黨不反中". 蘋果日報. 2012-03-24. Archived from the original on 2014-05-14. Retrieved 2014-05-14.
  12. ^ 林俊謙 (2013-03-29). "將不同意見視為反中亂港 極左網站打壓民主". 蘋果日報. Archived from the original on 2014-05-14. Retrieved 2014-05-14.
  13. ^ 林佩怡、朱真楷、楊舒媚 (2014-01-14). "謝長廷：綠什麼都反對 但都阻止不了" (in Chinese (Taiwan)). 中國時報. Archived from the original on 2014-01-16. Retrieved 2014-01-15.
  14. ^ 何榮幸 (2005-05-28). "林義雄：推動公投 解決統獨問題" (in Chinese (Taiwan)). 中國時報.
  15. ^ 董智森 (2015-05-29). "兩岸關係，聽我的". 《時報周刊》第1945期. Archived from the original on 2016-03-06. Retrieved 2015-09-13.
  16. ^ 兰州军区政治部宣传部；责任编辑：王杰 (1987). "《坚定不移地走具有中国特色的社会主义道路》". 甘肃理论学刊 (in Simplified Chinese) (1987年第2期). 甘肃省兰州市: 中共甘肃省委党校（甘肃行政学院）: 12–15. ISSN 1003-4307. Archived from the original on 2019-09-30.
  17. ^ 邢福增 (2009-06-01). "從《河殤》看八九民運年代的中國文化探討". 基督教時代論壇. Archived from the original on 2020-11-30. Retrieved 2020-12-01.
  18. ^ 尹萍 (1988-11-15). "最熱門的話題－河殤". 遠見雜誌. 台灣. Archived from the original on 2020-11-30. Retrieved 2020-12-01. 估計有兩、三億大陸人，在毫無心理準備的情況下，從螢光幕上看到這部充滿批判與自省、鞭策與激動意味的影片。（……）很多人立即動手，寫信、打電話甚至打電報給北平「中央電視台」，表示「激動、震撼和感慨」。他們當中，有學生、教師、工人，有老資格的共產黨員，也有軍隊裡的政治處主任。（……）這部影集確實有相當大的突破，它第一次用電視這種最大眾化的媒體，總結報告了改革派在經濟與文化上的觀點
  19. ^ 刘洋波. "摘要". 全盘西化思潮的兴衰（1979-2007） (硕士 thesis) (in Simplified Chinese). 北京大学. Archived from the original on 2020-02-07.
  20. ^ "中門大開：厭共情緒". Next Media Limited. 2015-07-30. Archived from the original on 2017-08-06.
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