User:Thurgate/Sandbox
HMS King George V in 1941
| |
Class overview | |
---|---|
Name | King George V |
Operators | Royal Navy |
Preceded by | Nelson class |
Succeeded by | Lion class (planned) |
Completed | 5 |
Lost | 1 |
General characteristics | |
Type | Battleship |
Displacement | 38,031 tons (1940) Standard;
42,237 (1940) to 44,460 tons (1944) at Full Load (figures for King George V) |
Length | 745 ft (227 m) |
Beam | 103 ft (31 m) |
Draught | 32.6 ft (9.9 m) |
Propulsion | list error: <br /> list (help) 8 Admiralty three-drum small-tube boilers with superheaters
128,000–134,000 shp achieved in service[1] |
Speed | 28.0 knots at 111,700 shp (1941 trials) |
Range | 5,400+ nm at 18 knots (11.9 tons/hour fuel burn) |
Complement | 1,314 to 1,631 |
Armament |
|
Armour | |
Aircraft carried | 4 Supermarine Walrus seaplanes |
Aviation facilities | 1 double-ended catapult |
The King George V-class battleships (KGV) were the last British battleship design completed for use during World War II, and only one further battleship was completed after the war. Five ships of the class were commissioned: King George V (1940), Prince of Wales (1941), Duke of York (1941), Howe (1942), and Anson (1942).
The Washington Naval Treaty limiting both the quantity, size (in tonnage), and armament of post First World War battleship construction had been extended by the First London Naval Treaty, but the treaty was due to expire in 1936. With increased tension between the various major naval nations, it was expected by planners that the treaty might not be renewed and the King George V-class was designed with this loss of restriction in mind.
All five ships served in the Second World War. Prince of Wales was the only one lost when she, along with the battlecruiser HMS Repulse were sunk by Japanese air attack near Singapore. The surviving ships were broken up in the late 1950s.
Development
[edit]The King George V class was the outcome of a design process dating from 1928. Under the terms of the Washington Naval Treaty of 1922, a 'holiday' from building capital ships was in force until 1931. The battleship element of the British Navy consisted of only those battleships retained after the end of the First World War and the two new but slow Nelson-class battleships. In 1928 the Royal Navy commenced discussion of the staff requirements for the ships it expected to begin in 1931.[2]
In the event, the First London Naval Treaty of 1930 extended the 'building holiday' to 1937. Planning recommenced in 1935, drawing on previous design work. The new class would be built up to the Treaty maximum displacement of 35,000 tons. Alternatives with 16-inch, 15-inch, and 14-inch main guns were considered, and it was determined the 15-inch armament would give the best balance. Most designs were intended to make about 27 knots, and it was reasoned the likely decisive range in a battle would be 12,000 to 16,000 yards. Armour and torpedo protection would form a much greater proportion of the design than previous British battleships.[3]
In October 1935, the decision was made to use 14-inch guns. At the time, Britain was negotiating a continuation of the Naval Treaties with the other parties of the First London Treaty. The British favoured a reduction in the maximum calibre of battleship gun to 14-inch, and in early October learned the United States would support this position if the Japanese could also be persuaded to do so. As the guns needed to be ordered by the end of the year, the Admiralty decided to use a 14-inch gun on the King George V-class.[3] The Second London Naval Treaty, a result of the Second London Naval Conference begun in December 1935, was signed in March 1936 by the US, France and the UK confirming 14 inch guns as the treaty limit; however Japan left the conference in January and Italy refused to sign.
Machinery
[edit]The King George Vs were the first British battleships to alternate engine rooms and boilers in the machinery spaces. This reduced the likelihood of a single hit causing the loss of all power.[4] The machinery was arranged in four engine (turbine) rooms and four boiler rooms, with the 8 machinery compartments being alternated in pairs of engine or boiler rooms, forward to aft in the citadel. Each pair of boiler rooms formed a unit with a pair of engine rooms. Nominal full power was 110,000 shp at 230 rpm with 400 psi steam at 700 f.[5] The machinery was designed to operate at an overload power of 125,000 shp[6] and Prince of Wales' "...main machinery steamed at overload powers of 128,000 to 134,000 shaft horsepower with no difficulties." [7] during the hunt for the Bismarck. The Admiralty boilers operated very efficiently and similar boilers of nearly identical power, fitted to HMS Warspite during her 1937 rebuild, achieved a full power specific fuel consumption[8] of .748lb per shp on trials which compared favourably with contemporary battleships.[9][10] However, after 1942 the Royal Navy was forced to use fuel oils with considerably higher viscosity and greater seawater content than these boilers could efficiently use.[11] The poor quality of the oil fuel combined with the seawater contamination to reduce the efficiency of the steam power plant and increased the maintenance required.[12] By 1944 the specific full power fuel consumption had increased to .8lb per shp and boiler maintenance was becoming increasingly difficult.[13] The Admiralty had been aware of this problem and were designing new types of oil sprayers and burners that could burn the available fuel oil much more efficiently, and sometime after 1944,[14] Duke of York and Anson were fitted with new higher pressure oil sprayers and burners that restored the boilers to full efficiency.[13] These same oil sprayers and burners were used on HMS Vanguard along with other detail improvements so that Vanguard achieved a full power specific fuel consumption of .63 lb per shp[15] while using the same steam pressures and temperatures as used on the KGV class.[16]
Protection
[edit]Armour
[edit]The armour protection of the King George V-class battleships was designed after consideration of the Royal Navy's experience of the First World War and upon full scale testing between the wars.[17] Magazine protection was given priority[18] through the provision of a thick belt and deck armour and by placing the magazines at the lowest levels of the ship.[19]
The horizontal protection over the magazines consisted of three layers with a total thickness of 9.13 inches; the weather deck consisted of 1.25 inches of D steel,[20] the main armoured deck was 5.88 inches thick over a .5 inch D[21] steel deck, and above the shell rooms there was another 1.5 inch splinter deck.[22][23] The powder magazines were located below the shell rooms for added protection, a practise that was begun with the Nelson class battleships.[19] The weatherdeck thickness was the same over the machinery spaces, but there the main armoured deck was reduced to 4.88 inches over a .5 inch D steel deck. The main armoured deck was continued forward of the forward armoured bulkhead and gradually reduced from full thickness to 2.5 inches, while aft of the after magazines an armoured turtle deck covered the steering gear with 4.5–5 inches of armour whilst also providing protection along the waterline.[22]
The main armour belt was 23.5 feet (7.2 m) high and covered the hull side from the main armoured deck to finish 15 feet (4.6 m)[18] below the deep waterline.[24] Post-First World War studies had indicated that it was possible for delayed-action AP shells to dive under a shallow belt and penetrate into vital areas of the ship and therefore the main belt was made to extend as far below the waterline as possible.[25] Along the ship, the belt started just forward of the forward turret and finished just aft of the aft turret. The belt was at its thickest above, and at, the waterline. Along the magazines, the belt was 15 inches thick (381 mm);[26] over the machinery spaces, the belt was 14 inches (356 mm). The lower section of belt tapered to a thickness of between 4.5 in and 5.5 in.[27][28] Armour protection was even better than the thickness of armour would indicate due to the improved qualities of the cemented[29] armour which provided excellent resistance.[30][31] The armoured belt, together with armoured bulkheads fore and aft and the armoured main deck, formed an "armoured citadel" protecting magazines and machinery. The armoured bulkhead was 12 in (305 mm) thick forward and 10 in (254 mm) thick at the after end of the citadel[32] The main armoured belt extended forward and aft of the main armoured bulkheads with reduced height to protect the waterline and gradually reduced in thickness from 13 to 5.5 inches.[33] Immune zone calculations vary wide from source to source.[34][35][36][37]
The main gun turrets were relatively lightly protected in comparison to contemporary battleships.[38] Maximum turret and barbette armour was reduced to 12.75 inches in this class from the 16 inches of the Nelson class. The turret faces had 12.75 in (324 mm) of armour at the front; 8.84 inches (225 mm) sides (at the gun chamber); 6.86 inches (284–174 mm) on the sides and rear; the roof plate was 5.88 in (149 mm) thick. The main armament barbettes were of varying thickness: 12.75 in (324 mm) thick on the sides, 11.76 in (298 mm) forward and 10.82 in (275 mm) aft of the turret. To some extent the higher quality of the armour minimized the loss of protection and the turret's flat face improved ballistic resistance at long ranges, while the low profile of the turret minimized target area at closer ranges. However the reduction in turret and barbette armour was a design trade off in favour of the thickest possible protection for the magazines.[18] The extensive anti-flash protection in the turrets and barbettes was designed to ensure that the magazines would remain safe even if the turrets and/or barbettes were penetrated.[19] The secondary gun mounts, casements and handling rooms[39] received only light plating of 0.98 in (25 mm) to protect against splinters.[38][40]
Unlike contemporary foreign battleships and the preceding Nelson class battleships, the KGV class had comparatively light conning tower protection with 2.94 inches (75 mm) inches sides, 3.94 in (100 mm) forward and aft and a 1.47 in (38 mm) roof plate.[41][42] The RN's analysis of the First World War revealed that command personnel were unlikely to use an armoured conning tower, preferring the superior visibility of unarmoured bridge positions[18][43] Stability and weight considerations clearly played an important part in the British decision to limit superstructure armour.[44] The conning tower armour was sufficient to protect against smaller ship guns and shell fragments.
Underwater protection
[edit]The hull below the waterline, along the main armour belt, formed the Side Protection System (SPS). It was subdivided into series of longitudinal compartments in a void-liquid-void layout; the outer and inner were filled with air, and the middle compartment with liquid (fuel or water). The outer hull plating in the region of the SPS was made as thin as possible to minimize splinter damage in the event of a torpedo hit. The outer compartment of the SPS was normally an empty or void space (containing only air) and this allowed the initial explosion from a torpedo to expand while minimizing damage to the ship. The centre compartment was filled with oil or seawater and this spread the pressure pulse over a larger area while the liquid contained any metal splinters that were created from the torpedo explosion. The inboard compartment was another void space and served to contain any liquid leaking from the liquid layer and any remaining pressure pulse from the torpedo explosion. Inboard of the final void space was an armoured bulkhead which varied in thickness from 1.5 in (37 mm) over the machinery spaces to 1.75 inch (44 mm) abreast of the magazines. This bulkhead formed the "holding bulkhead" and it was designed to resist the residual blast effects from the torpedo hit. If this final inner bulkhead was penetrated a further set of subdivided compartments would contain any leaks; inboard of the holding bulkhead the ship was highly subdivided into small compartments containing auxiliary machinery spaces. The SPS void-liquid-void layer was generally about 13 feet wide, and the auxiliary machinery spaces added approximately another 8 feet of space from the outer hull plating to the major machinery spaces. The only exception to this was abreast A and B Engine Rooms, where the auxiliary machinery spaces were omitted, but another void space, about three feet wide was substituted in its place.[45] Above the SPS, and directly behind the armour belt, was a series of compartments, typically used for washrooms or storage spaces, which were designed to allow for upward venting of overpressure from a torpedo hit. This scheme was designed to protect against a 1000 lb warhead, and had been tested and found effective in full-scale trials.[46] The SPS was also a key component of the ship's damage control system, as lists resulting from flooding could be corrected by counterflooding empty void spaces, and/or draining normally liquid filled compartments. In the case of the loss of the Prince of Wales these spaces were used for counterflooding to reduce list.[47]
HMS Prince of Wales was sunk on 10 December 1941, from what was believed to have been hits by six aerial launched torpedoes[48] and a 500 kg bomb. However, an extensive 2007 survey by divers of the wreck of Prince of Wales determined definitively that there had been only 4 torpedo hits.[49] Three of these four hits had struck the hull outside the area protected by the SPS. In the case of the fourth, the SPS holding bulkhead appeared intact abreast the area where the hull was hit.[50] The conclusion of the subsequent 2009 paper and analysis[51] was that the primary cause of the sinking was uncontained flooding along "B" propeller shaft.[52] The propeller shaft external shaft bracket failed, and the movement of the unsupported shaft then tore up the bulkheads all the way from the external propeller shaft gland through to B Engine Room itself. This allowed flooding into the primary machinery spaces. The damage and flooding was exacerbated by poor damage control and the premature abandonment of the after magazines and a telephone communications switchboard.[53] "B" propeller shaft had been stopped, and then restarted several minutes after being struck by a torpedo.[54] Subsequent inquiries into her loss at the time[55] identified the need for a number of design improvements, which were implemented to a lesser or greater degree on the other four ships of the class.[56] Ventilation and the watertightness of the ventilation system was improved, while internal passageways within the machinery spaces were redesigned and the communications system made more robust.[57] Improved propeller shaft glands and shaft locking gear was introduced.[58] Some of the supposed failures of the ship were nevertheless predicated on the assumption that a torpedo had hit and defeated the SPS at or about frame 206[59][60] at the same time as the hit that damaged B propeller shaft. The 2007 survey's [61] video footage evidence showed however that the hull is basically intact in this area.[62] The inability to survey the wreck during the war no doubt frustrated efforts[63] to arrive at a definitive cause for the loss of Prince of Wales and, subsequently, that somewhat flawed analysis[64] has led to a number of incorrect theories regarding the reasons for the sinking being inadvertently disseminated over the years.[65]
On examination of the Prince of Wales after her encounter with the German battleship Bismarck and the heavy cruiser Prinz Eugen, three damaging hits were discovered which had caused about 400 tons of water, from all three hits, to enter the ship.[66][67][68] One of these hits, fired from Bismarck, had penetrated the torpedo protection outer bulkhead in a region very close to an auxiliary machinery space causing local flooding within the SPS, while the inner, 1.5 inch ( 2x19 mm)[69][70][71] D-steel holding bulkhead, however, remained intact, as the German shell was a dud. The German shell would have actually exploded in the water if its fuse had worked properly,[72] due to the depth which the shell had to dive before striking the Prince of Wales under her armoured belt.
Armament
[edit]Main armament
[edit]The King George V and the four other ships of the class as built carried ten BL 14 inch Mk VII naval guns, in two quadruple turrets fore and aft and a single twin turret behind and above the fore turret.[73] There was debate within the Admiralty over the choice of gun calibre;[74] though there was little or no debate within Parliament;[75] other European powers preferred 15 inch, and the USN, 16 inch main guns.[76] Initially the Admiralty studied vessels armed with a variety of differing main armament layouts including nine 15-inch (381 mm)[77] guns in three turrets, 2 forward and 1 aft. While this was well within the capabilities of the British shipyards, the design was quickly rejected as they felt compelled to adhere to the Second London Naval Treaty signed in 1936, and there was a serious shortage of skilled technicians and ordnance designers, along with compelling pressures to reduce weight.[78] As a result, the class was designed to carry twelve 14-inch guns in three quadruple turrets and this configuration had a heavier broadside than the nine 15-inch guns. Unfortunately, it proved impossible to include this amount of firepower and the desired level of protection into a 35,000 ton displacement,[78] and the weight of the superimposed quadruple turret brought the stability of the vessel into question. In the end, the second forward turret was changed to a smaller two gun turret in exchange for better armour protection, reducing the broadside weight to below that of the nine gun arrangement.[78] The 14 inch Armour Piercing (AP) shell also carried a very large[79][80] bursting charge of 48.5 lb.[81][82] The last naval treaty had a clause that permitted a change to 16 inch guns if another signatory did not conform to it by 1 January 1937. Although they could have invoked this clause, the effect would have been to delay construction and it was considered prudent to build with 14 inch rather than find themselves without the new battleships. The U.S. opted to absorb a delay and built its ships with larger guns.[83]
In service, the quad turrets proved to be less reliable than was hoped for. Wartime haste in building, insufficient clearance between the rotating and fixed structure of the turret, insufficient full calibre firing exercises and extensive arrangements to prevent flash from reaching the magazines made it mechanically complex,[84] leading to problems during prolonged actions. Improved clearances, improved mechanical linkages, and better training[84] led to greater reliability in the quadruple turrets but they remained controversial.
During the combat against the German battleship Bismarck, the main battery of the newly commissioned Prince of Wales had mechanical problems: it started to fire three-round salvos instead of five-round salvos, and there were problems in all except for the twin "B" turret.[85] The main battery output was reduced to 74 percent during the engagement, as out of seventy-four rounds ordered fired, only fifty-five were possible.[86][87][88][89] 'A' turret was taking in water leading to discomfort for its crew[90] and "Y" turret jammed at salvo 20.[87][91] The number of known defects in the main armament that was hampering 14 inch fire, the damage sustained and the worsening tactical situation forced Captain Leach to disengage from combat.[92][93][94][95][96][97] With the range down to 14,500 yds and with five of his 14 inch guns out of action, Leach decided to break off his engagement with a superior enemy.[98] Roskill in the War at Sea, volume 1, describes the decision to turn away:" In addition to the defective gun in her forward turret another 4 gun turret was temporarily incapacitated by mechanical breakdowns. In these circumstances Leach decided to break off the action and, at 0613, turned away under cover of smoke."[99][100] During the later action with Bismarck, King George V was also having trouble with her main battery, and by 0927 every gun missed at least one salvo due to failures in the safety interlocks for antiflash protection.[101] John Roberts wrote of main gunnery problems encountered by HMS King George V:
"At 0847 Rodney opened fire...at a gun range of 23500 yards, followed by King George V one minute later at 24,600 yards[102]...Initially she [KGV] did well achieving 1.7 salvos per minute while employing radar control but she began to suffer severe problems from 0920 onward [Note: KGV had opened fire at 0848 and fired for about 25 minutes at 1.7 salvos per minute until 0913, when the type 284 radar broke down, but with no recorded loss of 14 inch gun output until 0920.[103] KGV recorded 14 straddles out of 34 salvos fired from 0853 to 0913, when using her type 284 radar for ranging and spotting[104]]. 'A' turret was completely out of action for 30 minutes [From 0920[105]], after firing about 23 rounds per gun, due to a jam between the fixed and revolving structure in the shell room and Y turret was out of action for 7 minutes due to drill errors. . . Both guns in B turret, guns 2 and 4 in A turret and gun 2 in Y turret were put out of action by jams and remained so until after the action - 5 guns out of 10! There were a multitude of other problems with mechanical failures and drill errors that caused delays and missed salvos. There were also some misfires - one gun (3 of A turret) misfired twice and was out of action for 30 minutes before it was considered safe to open the breech."
— John Roberts, The Final Action[103]
During the early part of her action against the Scharnhorst at the Battle of the North Cape on 26 December 1943, HMS Duke of York scored 31 straddles out of 52 broadsides fired and during the latter part she scored 21 straddles out of 25 broadsides, a very creditable gunnery performance. In total, Duke of York fired 450 shells in 77 broadsides. "However, HMS Duke of York still fired less than 70% of her possible output during this battle because of mechanical and "errors in drill" problems."[106]
The KGVs were the only British battleships to use the 14 inch guns and turrets; their planned successors, free of treaty limitations, were to use a new 16 inch gun and triple mounts.
Secondary armament
[edit]The QF 5.25 inch Mark I dual purpose gun has been dogged with controversy as well. The RN Gunnery Pocket Book published in 1945 states that: "The maximum rate of fire should be 10–12 rounds per minute.".[107][108] Wartime experience revealed that the maximum weight which the loading numbers could handle comfortably was much lower than 80–90 lb, and the weight of the 5.25 in ammunition caused serious difficulties, allowing them to manage only 7–8 rpm instead of the designed 10–12 rpm.[109][110] The mount had a maximum elevation of only +70 degrees.[110] The slow elevating and training speeds of the mounts were inadequate for engaging modern high-speed aircraft.[111] Despite these failings, Prince of Wales was credited with several 5.25 inch kills during Operation Halberd,[112] and damaged 10 of 16[113] high level bombers in two formations during her last engagement, two of which subsequently crash landed.[114] HMS Anson had her 5.25 inch turrets upgraded to RP10 control[115] which increased training and elevating speeds to 20 degrees per second.[116] These ships were equipped with the HACS AA fire control system and the Admiralty Fire Control Table Mk IX for surface fire control of the main armament.
Anti-aircraft
[edit]For anti-aircraft defence, the KGV were built with 4- and 8-barrelled QF 2 pounder "pom-pom" mounts and UP rockets. To this were added 20mm Oerlikon and 40mm Bofors guns.
The 2 pdr mounts were Director controlled - this placed the aiming of the guns separate from the guns themselves which generated large amounts of smoke and vibration. The mounts would be upgraded later with Remote Power Control and radar for improved performance.[117]
The UP proved to be largely ineffective and were removed in the course of the war.
By the end of the war, the AA defences were more than 50 20mm, 8 40mm, and 88 2pdr guns in various single and multiple mounts. Anson carried 65 20 mm Oerlikons, six 8-barrel and six 4-barrel pom-poms by the end of the war.
Ships
[edit]Name | Pennant | Namesake | Builder | Ordered | Laid down | Launched | Completed | Fate |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
King George V | 41 | King George V King George VI's father |
Vickers-Armstrong | 1 January 1937 | 21 February 1939 | 11 December 1940 (commissioned) |
Sold for scrap 1957 | |
Prince of Wales | 53 | Prince of Wales former title of the King's brother |
Cammell Laird, Birkenhead | 29 July 1936 | 1 January 1937 | 3 May 1939 | 31 March 1941[118] | Sunk 10 December 1941, South China Sea |
Duke of York | 17 | Duke of York former title of the King |
John Brown and Company, Clydebank, | 16 November 1936 | 5 May 1937 | 28 February 1940 | 4 November 1941 (commissioned) |
Scrapped 1957 |
Anson | 79 | George Anson | Swan Hunter | 20 July 1937 | 24 February 1940 | 22 June 1942 | Scrapped 1957 | |
Howe | 32 | Richard Howe | Fairfields | 28 April 1937 | 1 June 1937 | 9 April 1940 | 29 August 1942 (commissioned) |
Scrapped 1958 |
Service
[edit]This section needs expansion with: use during war, post Second World War service, decision to scrap. You can help by adding to it. (February 2010) |
Battle of the Denmark Strait
[edit]Two of five ships of the King George V class, the Prince of Wales and King George V, participated in the Battle of the Denmark Strait. Prior to the battle,the German battleship Bismarck had left Gydnia in the Baltic, in preparation to break out of the North Sea into the Atlantic. She was accompanied by Prinz Eugen, four U-boats, two auxilliaries and five tankers. In the planning of the operation, the Scharnhorst and Gneisenau were also to have left Brest, France at the same time that Bismarck left Norway, to further threaten the British shipping. However, the British managed to severely damage both Scharnhorst and Gneisenau so that they were unfit for action. Because of this, the commander of the Bismarck's squadron, GroßAdmiral Günther Lütjens, urged his commanders to delay the operation until either Scharnhorst was repaired or Bismarck's sister Tirpitz was completed]].[119]
The ships of the Home Fleet, HMS Prince of Wales, the battlecruisers Hood and HMS Repulse, the aircraft carrier Victorious (with 48 Hawker Hurricanes) and 20 cruisers and destroyers, were deployed to block Bismarck and Prinz Eugen's route to the Atlantic. The cruisers HMS Norfolk and Suffolk were sent to guard the Denmark Strait, HMS Manchester, Arethusa and Birmingham were sent to defend the Iceland-Faeroes gap. However, the main fleet would be divided into two groups: Hood, flying the flag of Vice Admiral Lancelot Holland and Prince of Wales, and King George V, flying Admiral John Tovey's flag and Repulse, which was sent from the River Clyde. Also, two photo reconaissance Supermarine Spitfires were sent to Oslo and the Bergen fjords. The latter managed to find the Bismarck and Prinz Eugen at the end of his search, on May 22, 1941, and barely managed to take a few pictures of the ships he thought were cruisers. He was not spotted by either of the ships.[120]
Soon after the disposition of the ships, Admiral John Tovey sent Prince of Wales, Hood, and the destoryers Electra, Anthony, Echo, Icarus, Achates and Antelope to cover the Greenland-Icelanand Iceland-Faeroes gap.[121] He himself left Scapa Flow in King George V, with Victorious, the cruisers Galatea, Hermione, Kenya and Aurora, and the destroyers Inglefield, Intrepid, Punjabi, Windsor and Lance.[122][123]
On May 23, 1941, the German ships were sighted by the Suffolk, which was followed by the Norfolk in the Denmark Strait. Both of these ships quickly reported their position and that of the Bismarck and Prinz Eugen to the Admiralty. At 2030, the Bismarck opened fire on the Norfolk, who quickly withdrew.[124]
The ships continued through the Denmark Strait during the night, and at 0530, May 24, 1941, the HMS Hood and Prince of Wales sighted the German ships. The British ships opened fire on the Germans at 0600. The Bismarck's fifth salvo scored a fatal hit on the Hood. The Hood disappeared in a column of smoke, which gradually disappeared, and along with it, the battlecruiser HMS Hood.[125]
Refits
[edit]This section needs expansion. You can help by adding to it. (February 2010) |
The King George V class ships were refitted during the war to make improvements to AA defences and radar equipment and to make modifications for service in the Far East.
The ventilation was improved after reports of heat prostration on Prince of Wales during her last engagement.
In 1944, the aircraft capabilities (the Supermarine Walruses and the double-ended catapult) of King George V, Duke of York, Anson, and Howe were removed.
King George V was in refit during the early part of 1944. As well as the removal of the aircraft facilities, the A/A armament was altered. A quad pom-pom was removed and three octuple pom-poms added. Single barrelled Oerlikons were exchanged for six twin-barrel Oerlikons and quad mount 40mm Bofors. The radars were upgraded.[126]
Duke of York was in refit from December 1942 to February 1943 and October 1944 to early 1945.[127]
Howe went into refit and post refit trials for Pacific service from December 1943 to April 1944.[128]
Anson was in refit from July 1944 to February 1945 for improvements to her AA and radar and then in trials (including the new Type 277P radar) until April.[129]
Notes
[edit]- ^ Allied Battleships in WW2, Garzke and Dulin, p191
- ^ Brown, D.K. Nelson to Vanguard, p. 25
- ^ a b Brown, Nelson to Vanguard, pp. 28–29
- ^ Brown, pp. 164–165
- ^ Journal of Naval Engineering
- ^ Dumas, Warship, The King George V Class, Part 1, P14
- ^ G&D, Allied Battleships of WW2, p206
- ^ Full power specific fuel consumption is a measure of power plant efficiency. It is calculated by dividing fuel consumption in pounds, per hour, into the shaft horse power produced by the turbines.
- ^ R&R, Ensign Four, Queen Elizabeth Class Battleships, p34
- ^ G&D, Allied Battleships of WW2, p66. The French battlecruiser Dunkerque achieved .753lb/hr and .816lb/hr on her preliminary and full power trials, respectively, in 1936.
- ^ Gray and Killner, JNE, Volume 2, Book 4, January 1949, Sea Water Contamination of Boiler Fuel Oil - Part II
- ^ JNE, RECENT IMPROVEMENTS IN OIL-BURNING EQUIPMENT, Parts I, II, & III. The high seawater content was caused by a number of factors; the KGV class used fuel oil as part of the Side Protection System in the liquid layers of the SPS. As the fuel was consumed, water was allowed to enter the bottom of the layer to maintain its defensive qualities. The low viscosity fuel used in the early part of war resisted mixing with seawater and what seawater contamination did occur was easily removed. Additionally Britain's oil tanker fleet was relatively intact. After 1942 oil tanker losses to enemy attacks increased and the demands for more aviation fuel led to a degradation of bunker fuel used in steam driven naval vessels.This fuel readily absorbed seawater from older oil tankers that had increased propensity for seawater leakage, and from contact with seawater in the SPS system. It was also very much more difficult to remove the seawater once this poorer quality fuel was contaminated.
- ^ a b JNE, RECENT IMPROVEMENTS IN OIL-BURNING EQUIPMENT
- ^ JNE, RECENT IMPROVEMENTS IN OIL-BURNING EQUIPMENT. Possibly post-war.
- ^ R&R, 'British Battleships', p339
- ^ G&D, Allied Battleships, p236 & 297.
- ^ Raven and Roberts, British Battleships, p. 263
- ^ a b c d Raven and Roberts, British Battleships, p. 415
- ^ a b c Raven and Roberts p. 285
- ^ Okun, Nathan. Armor protection of the battleship KM Bismarck. D or Ducol steel was a High Tensile Steel developed after WW1. It had very good armour properties and was used extensively on the KGV class battleships as a support for deck and belt armour and for hull, deck, and splinter proof plating.
- ^ Okun, Nathan. Armor protection of the battleship KM Bismarck.
- ^ a b Raven and Roberts, British Battleships, p. 284
- ^ Garzke and Dulin, Allied Battleships, pp. 252–255
- ^ Raven and Roberts, British Battleships of WW2, p. 154.
- ^ G&D, Allied Battleships, p. 230: "The armour thicknesses and underwater protection scheme evolved from tests completed prior to design work...tests on Baden, Superb, Monarch, and Empress of India [sic] led to the conclusion that side armour should extend as far below the standard load waterline as practicable."
- ^ specifically 14.7 inches of cemented armour, composite material and 0.88 inches Ducol steel hull plate
- ^ Brown, Nelson to Vanguard, pp. 29–30
- ^ Breyer, Battleships and Battlecruisers of the World, pp. 182–184
- ^ Face hardened
- ^ Garzke and Dulin, 1980. p. 247: "Side armour protection of these ships was better than indicated in mere thickness tabulations, as the excellent quality of British Cemented armour provided the resistance of about 25% greater thickness of US Class "A" armour."
- ^ "Bismarck Armour".
Post WWII proving ground test indicated that KC was only slightly less resistant than British cemented armour (CA), and markedly superior to US Class A plates.
- ^ Raven and Roberts, British Battleships of WW2, p. 284. These values differ slightly from source to source.
- ^ Raven and Roberts, British Battleships, p. 284. These values differ slightly from source to source.
- ^ ADM 239/268: C.B.04039, ARMOUR PROTECTION (1939)
- ^ Raven and Roberts, British Battleships of WW2, p. 293 state:"...it was estimated that the belt armour would withstand 15 inch shells at a range of about 13,500 yards (15 inch armour) and 15600 yards (14 inch armour) at normal inclination...". The Magazines were stated to withstand 15" plunging fire up to 33,500 yards.
- ^ Garzke and Dullin, 1980. p. 251, state: Against the British 15 inch Mark I naval gun, firing an 1,938 lb shell, this protection scheme provided an immunity zone from 17,200 to 32,000 yards over the magazines, 19,500 to 28,000 yards over the machinery.
- ^ Okun, Nathan. Armor protection of the battleship KM Bismarck. Nathan Okun calculated against the German 38 cm SK C/34 naval gun (15 inch) mounted on the contemporary Bismarck class battleships, the immunity zone was from 21,500 to 36,600 yards yards over the magazines, 23,800 to 33,200 yards yards over the machinery. Okun's calculations omit the 1.5" splinter deck over the magazine, as his article states that there is no armour over the magazines below the 5.88" armour deck.
- ^ a b Garzke and Dulin, 1980. pp. 252–255
- ^ G&D refer to "magazines" but this refers to the 5.25 inch handling rooms as the 5.25 inch magazines were located within the armoured citadel.
- ^ Raven and Roberts, British Battleships, p. 284, gives 1.5 inch for the 5.25 inch turret faces, 1 inch sides and rears, and 2 inch and 1 inch casements.
- ^ Garzke & Dulin, 1980. p. 252
- ^ Raven and Roberts, British Battleships of WW2, p284 gives 4.5 inches sides, 3 inch front and rear, and 2 inch roof and deck.
- ^ Testimony of Ted Briggs. For example, Captain Kerr and Admiral Holland commanded the Hood from her unarmoured bridge.
- ^ Garzke and Dulin, 1980. p. 247
- ^ Raven and Roberts, British Battleships of World War Two, pp. 294–297.
- ^ Brown, Nelson to Vanguard, pp. 30–31
- ^ Death of a Battleship p. 17
- ^ Middlebrook & Mahoney, Battleship, p. 288. The figure of six hits seems to stem from post sinking analysis, probably by the Bucknill Committee and some survivor reports. However Appendix 1, Prince of Wales Compass Platform Narrative (recorded during the action) on pages 329–330, states four torpedo hits, one on the port side and three on the starboard side. Appendix 4, Post Action Statement by Gunnery Officer of HMS Prince of Wales, pages 338–339, by Lt Cdr McMullen, also states one torpedo hit on the port side and three on the starboard side.
- ^ "Expedition 'Job 74', page 10" (pdf).
- ^ Garzke, Dulin and Denlay. "Death of a Battleship" (pdf). p. 35.
- ^ Death of a Battleship, Garzke, Dulin and Denlay
- ^ B was the outermost shaft on the port side
- ^ Death of a Battleship, Garzke, Dulin and Denlay, pp. 15–20
- ^ Garzke, Dulin and Denlay, Death of a Battleship
- ^ Middlebrook, Battleship, p. 310: "...the Second Bucknill Committee started its sittings...on 16 March 1942."
- ^ Raven and Roberts, British Battleships of WW2, p388
- ^ "Raven and Roberts"
- ^ Garzke and Dulin, Allied Battleships, p. 247
- ^ G&D, Allied Battleships, p. 368. Frame 206 is the location of a bulkhead that runs across the ship from port to starboard, about 1/3 of its length from the stern and separates Y Action Machinery Room from the Port Diesel Dynamo room. 'B' Engine Room begins about 20 feet forward of frame 206.
- ^ Middlebrook, Battleship, pp. 198–203 Middlebrook also assumed a hit at frame 206 based upon the Bucknill Committee analysis but discounted the likelihood of defeat of the SPS.
- ^ "Expedition 'Job 74'" (pdf).
- ^ Death of a Battleship, Garzke, Dulin and Denlay. While the hull area around Frame 206 is indented, and with split seams and popped rivets, there is no torpedo hole. See 3D images made from the study of Expedition 'Job 74' video footage.
- ^ Middlebrook, Battleship, p. 311: "The committee could not have known two things: first, that the Japanese torpedoes contained only 330 or 450 lb of explosive charge (which knowledge would have only increased their dilemma) and secondly, that the extensive damage and flooding had been caused not by the explosion seen on PoW's port side abreast frame 206 but by the unseen torpedo hit underneath the stern. This was the torpedo that damaged the bracket of the port-outer shaft, distorted the shaft itself, and permitted the vast inrush of water. It is small wonder that the committee was baffled..."
- ^ The Bucknill Committee Inquiry, 1942
- ^ Garzke and Dulin, Allied Battleships, p. 241. This volume, for example, proposed three alternative theories based upon a torpedo hit or hits at frame 206 that defeated the SPS.
- ^ ADM267/111 Battle Damage Sustained by H.M.S. Prince of Wales, 24 May 1941:"About 400 tons water in ship mainly abaft after bulkhead"
- ^ G&D, Allied Battleships, p. 190, states that Captain Leach had informed Admiral Wake-Walker "...best speed was 27 knots because of 600 tons of flooding water...", but this is contradicted by the official damage report, ADM 267/111.
- ^ 234/509: Sinking of the 'Bismarck', 27 May 1941: Official Despatches, paragraph 24: "The effects of all this on her gunnery had been witnessed by the Rear-Admiral (Wake-Walker) Commanding, First Cruiser Squadron, and he knew, in addition, that her bridge was seriously damaged, that she had taken in 400 tons of water aft..."
- ^ G&D,Allied Battleships, pp. 252, 234: "*Two plate construction"
- ^ R&R, British Battleships, p. 284
- ^ Tarrent, King George V class Battleships, p. 31
- ^ Nathan Okun. "Underwater Projectile Hits".
- ^ Allied Battleships in WW2, Garzke and Dulin, p. 176
- ^ Roskill, Naval Policy between the wars, volume II pp. 327–329.
This describes a normal debate within the Admiralty regarding gun size, armour, speed, torpedo protection and AA fire-power and what should be the correct ratio between these attributes for the King George V battleships. In the end the Admiralty chose a ship with high speed, enhanced protection, heavy AA and 10 14 inch guns. The Admiralty controller wrote that a change to 15 inch guns would entail an 18 month delay (which would have meant no new RN battleships until 1942). Roskill noted that the London Naval Treaty stipulated a 14 inch maximum gun size, with an opt out clause, which Britain was very reluctant to exercise, since the Admiralty was hoping to persuade the other naval powers to stick to 14 inch guns. - ^ Hansard HC Deb 20 July 1936 vol 315 cc32-3
Hansard HC Deb 20 July 1937 vol 326 cc2001-53
Hansard HC Deb 20 July 1937 vol 326 cc2054-65 London Navy Treaty Bill.
The member from Epping, Mr Churchill, criticised the choice of 14 inch main armament, as the US and Japan were believed to have selected 16 inch guns for their new ships, see also: Garzke and Dulin, Allied Battleships in WW2, p. 227 - ^ Allied Battleships in WW2, Garzke and Dulin, p. 227
- ^ Allied Battleships in WW2, Garzke and Dulin, pp. 167–170
- ^ a b c Allied Battleships in WW2, Garzke and Dulin, p. 175
- ^ Naval Weapons index, The KM 38 cm/52 SK C/34 carried a 41.4lb bursting charge, while the USN 16 inch Mk VI 2700 lb AP shell carried a 40.9lb bursting charge
- ^ USN Bureau of Ordnance, NAVAL ORDNANCE 1937 EDITION, paragraph 1318: "The impact damage which a projectile itself does is entirely secondary to that which results from its burst. The design of most naval projectiles is based primarily on using the projectile as a vehicle with which to carry a quantity of explosive into a ship and secondarily to provide missiles with which to carry the force of the explosion."
- ^ "British 14"/45 (35.6 cm) Mark VII".
- ^ Campbell.
- ^ Friedman, U.S. Battleships, pp. 270–271
- ^ a b Allied Battleships, Garzke and Dulin, p. 228
- ^ Tarrant, V.E. (1991). King George V-class battleships. London: Arms and Armour Press, p. 59. Tarrant notes, on page 63 that "Information on Prince of Wales Gunnery is from PRO Adm 234/509"
- ^ Asmussen, John. "The Battle of the Denmark Strait".
Bismarck and Prinz Eugen also suffered a loss of output. Bismarck had a "total 104 possible shots Actually fired = 93". Prinz Eugen "Total 184 possible shots Actually fired = 157"
- ^ a b Garzke and Dulin, 1980. pp. 189–190.
- ^ Tarrant, V.E. (1991) p. 59
- ^ ADM 234/509: H.M.S. Prince of Wales' Gunnery Aspects of the "Bismarck" Pursuit.
- ^ Tarrant, V.E. (1991). King George V-class battleships. London: Arms and Armour Press, p. 54
- ^ ADM 234/509: H.M.S. Prince of Wales' Gunnery Aspects of the "Bismarck" Pursuit. Problems in Prince of Wales turrets during her first action against Bismarck, according to her Gunnery Aspects Report: "A" Turret: No. 1 gun failed after the 1st salvo, from a previously known defect. No. 2 and no.4 guns suffered from intermittent safety interlock problems. "A" turret suffered from water entering the lower portion of the turret/barbette structure, but there is no indication that this caused any problems other than discomfort for the crew. At Salvo 18, when Prince of Wales turned away, 3 of 'A' turret's guns were in operation. "B" Turret: No problems reported. At Salvo 18, when Prince of Wales turned away, both (2) of 'B' turrets guns were in operation. "Y" Turret No. 2 gun had loading problems and missed salvo 14 onwards. No.3 gun had problems with safety interlocks causing it to miss salvos 15 to 20. At salvo 18 when Prince of Wales turned away, 2 of "Y" turrets guns were in operation. "Y" turrets shell transfer ring jammed at salvo 20, due to a shell sliding out of its tray due to the motion of the ship as Prince of Wales turned.
- ^ Garzke and Dulin, 1980. p. 190.
- ^ The Bismarck Episode by Russel Grenfell, p. 54
- ^ The loss of the Bismarck, by Graham Rhys-Jones, pp. 119–20
- ^ German Capital Ships and Raiders in WW2, A naval Staff History, Battle Summary 5, p. 8
- ^ The Battle of the Denmark Strait, May 24th 1941, Written by Antonio Bonomi & translated by Phil Isaacs
- ^ The Battle of the Denmark Strait by John Asmussen
- ^ Bennett, Naval Battles of WW2, p. 141
- ^ Roskill, The War at Sea, Vol 1, p. 406
- ^ Axis Battleships of WW2, Garzke and Dulin, p. 190, states: "As Prince of Wales turned away at 0613, Y turret jammed, temporarily leaving only two out of ten 14 inch guns operational". This is not supported by Bennett, Roskill and ADM 234–509.
- ^ Garzke and Dulin, 1980, pp. 213–214: "At 0927 a shell hit the Bismarck...By that time KGV was having trouble with her main battery and every gun missed at least one salvo..."
- ^ The Final Action by John Roberts, Warship 28, p. 264
- ^ a b The Final Action by John Roberts, Warship 28, pp. 264–268
- ^ The Final Action by John Roberts, Warship 28, pp. 264–265
- ^ The Final Action by John Roberts, Warship 28, p. 268
- ^ British 14"/45 (35.6 cm) Mark VII
- ^ The Gunnery Pocket Book. 1945. p. 51.
- ^ The Gunnery Pocket Book. 1945. p. 51.
These guns are combined High Angle and Low Angle Guns. The Mark II Mounting is found in all Dido-class cruisers. The Mark I Mounting is found in King George V-class battleships, where they fulfil the combined functions of H.A. Long Range Armament and Secondary Armament against surface craft. The main differences between the two mountings lie in the arrangements of the shellrooms and magazines, and the supply of ammunition to the guns. In this chapter, only the Mark II Mounting, as found in Dido-class cruisers, is discussed. The 5.25 in. calibre with separate ammunition is used for dual High Angle and Low Angle Armament, since it gives the reasonable maximum weight of shell which can be loaded by the average gun's crew for sustained periods at all angles of elevation. The maximum rate of fire should be 10–12 rounds per minute.
- ^ Campbell, 1985. p. 44
- ^ a b Williams, Anthony G. "Medium Calibre guns of the Royal Navy in World War II".
- ^ Naval Weapons of the World From 1880 to Today - British 5.25"/50 (13.4 cm) QF Mark I
- ^ Allied Battleships in WW2, Garzke and Dulin, p. 191
- ^ Garzke and Dulin. Allied Battleships in WW2. pp. 195, 206–207.
- ^ Battleship, Middlebrook
- ^ Naval Weapons of WW2, Campbell, p. 45
- ^ unmodified the training speed was 10 degrees per second
- ^ Raven and Roberts, British Battleships, p. 313: By April 1942, all KGV class were approved for "RP10 remote power control for Pom-pom mountings."
- ^ commissioned on 19 January 1941
- ^ Miller, pp. 148–149
- ^ Kennedy, pp. 39–40, 42, 48
- ^ Kennedy, pp. 43, 48
- ^ Crompton, p. 43
- ^ Kennedy, p. 48
- ^ Crompton, p.47
- ^ Crompton, pp. 49–53
- ^ "HMS King George V". naval-history.net.
- ^ "HMS Duke of York". naval-history.net.
- ^ "HMS Howe". naval-history.net.
- ^ "HMS Anson". naval-history.net.
References
[edit]- Tarrant, V.E. (1991). King George V-class battleships. London: Arms and Armour Press. ISBN 1-85409-026-7.
- William H. Garzke, Robert O. Dulin, Thomas G. Webb (1980). Battleships: Allied Battleships in World War II. Naval Institute Press.
{{cite book}}
: CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link) - Brown, D K (2006). Nelson to Vanguard: Warship Design and Development 1923–1945. Chatham Publishing.
- Breyer, Siegfried. Battleships of the World 1905–1970. Conway Maritime Press.
- Raven and Roberts. British Battleships of World War 2: The Development and Technical History of the Royal Navy's Battleships and Battlecruisers from 1911 to 1946. Weidenfeld & Nicholson. ISBN 978-0853681410.
- Garzke, Dulin and Denlay. "Death of a Battleship" (pdf).
- Marriott Leo Vital Guide Fighting Ships of World War II Airlife Crowood Press Ramsbury England (2004) ISBN 1-84037-416-0
- Crompton, Samuel Willard (2004). Sinking of the Bismarck. Chelsea House. ISBN 0791074382.
- Kennedy, Ludovic (1974). Pursuit. New York City, NY: The Viking Press. ISBN 670583146.
{{cite book}}
: Check|isbn=
value: length (help) - Miller, Nathan (1995). War at Sea. New York City, NY: Scribner. ISBN 068480380.
{{cite book}}
: Check|isbn=
value: length (help)
External links
[edit]- News reel footage of Operation Halberd, as filmed from HMS Prince of Wales
- Newsreel video of HMS Anson and Howe in 1942
- RN 14" gun loading and firing procedure
Category:Battleship classes
Category:King George V class battleships (1939)
Category:World War II battleships of the United Kingdom