Jump to content

User:TRKnudsen/sandbox

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Denmark’s security interests in the Baltic Sea from a small state perspective

[edit]
Map of the Baltic Sea Region.
Map of the Baltic Sea Region

Both historically and in recent decades, the security situation in the Baltic Sea has been of central importance for Danish security interests. During the Cold War, the Baltic Sea marked the borders between the Soviet Union on one side and NATO on the other side. Thus, Baltic Sea activities that aimed to protect both Denmark’s and NATO’s eastern flank from Soviet aggression were crucial for Denmark’s security strategy.[1] Shortly after the Cold War, Denmark played a key role in the enlargement of NATO with the three Baltic States located on former Soviet ground.[2] After the inclusion of the Baltic States and the Soviet collapse, NATO’s strategic focus shifted away from the Baltic Sea Region. Denmark followed suit, and increasingly focused on NATO’s other security activities that did not relate to Denmark’s Nordic-Baltic location.[3] According to the Danish scholar, Anders Wivel, the Nordic-Baltic region has often been treated as secondary to Danish security activities with NATO.[4] However, Russian aggressiveness in recent years, namely the annexation of Crimea in 2014 and the invasion of Ukraine in 2022, has forced Denmark to return to their own neighborhood.[3] Since 2014, NATO has also enhanced its presence (see section on NATO) in the Baltic region, which leads Wivel to argue that the Danish turn toward their own region does not conflict with Denmark’s “super-Atlanticist” stance.[4]

The strategic options for Nordic-Baltic small states

[edit]

Security issues are always salient for small states and scholars point to the importance of the international system – i.e., great power politics – for small states’ strategic options.[5] In this way, Russia’s recent aggressiveness has important consequences for Denmark and the other Nordic-Baltic small states. Independently, small states are unable to ensure their own security and thus aim to seek shelter in different ways. The Nordic-Baltic States proves as a case in point as they both remain loyal to their traditional alliances with great powers, but also seek alternatives by strengthening their ties with other like-minded Nordic-Baltic small states.[5] The small states explore different regional multilateral fora such as NORDEFCO and NB8 while Denmark, for example, still maintains its fundamental commitment to NATO. Some scholars argue that these small state networks are increasingly important in multipolarity as lack of coordination among great powers decreases the value of traditional international organizations.[5] From a non-theoretical perspective, Denmark’s Foreign and Security Policy Strategy from 2023 emphasizes closer Nordic-Baltic security ties in the Baltic Sea Region as the Danish government calls for more joint military exercises and coordination of defence plans with its neighbors.[6] The following section will proceed outlining important Nordic-Baltic institutions with a specific focus on Denmark’s role.

Security cooperation in the Nordic-Baltic region

[edit]

The Nordic-Baltic states cooperate in both formal organizations and informal networks that are relevant to regional security issues in different ways. This page focuses on the listed seven institutions:

It is significant to highlight the diversity among the Nordic-Baltic states in terms of their institutional affiliations, reflecting the complex landscape of security cooperation in the region. Table 1 shows the memberships of the Nordic-Baltic countries (as well as UK and US) in seven selected institutions, serving as a representation of the web of alliances influencing the Nordic-Baltic security situation.

Table 1: Membership in selected institutions connected to the Nordic-Baltic region
NATO EU NORDEFCO NB8 SUCBAS Northern Group e-PINE
Denmarka X X X X X X X
Norwayb X X X X X X
Sweden X X X X X X
Finlandc X X X X X X X
Iceland X X X X X
Estonia X X X X X X
Latvia X X X X X X
Lithuania X X X X X X
Poland X X X X X
Germany X X X X
United Kingdom X X X
United States X X
  • ^a Denmark has had an EU opt-out from all defence-related CSDP efforts until June 2022.
  • ^b Norway is not a member of EU. However, Norway participates in some EU defense activities such as MARSUR and the Nordic EU Battlegroup.
  • ^c On April 4 2023, Finland officially became a full member of NATO.

As especially NATO and EU are large organizations with different attention areas, this page only focus on aspects relevant for Nordic-Baltic security. Exhaustive portrayals of these forums already exist, and instead descriptions of each institution are based on two dimensions:

  • Type of institutional setting, logic and purpose
  • Central activities related to the Nordic-Baltic region with extra focus on Denmark’s role

NATO

[edit]

NATO is the primary formal institution for coordinating security related issues for the small states around the Baltic Sea. Scholars emphasize NATO’s extensive influence in the region even for traditional non-members Sweden and Finland.[7] On April 4 2023, however, Finland officially became a full member of NATO. [8] NATO operates on an external institutional logic since it is driven by larger actors and broader objectives where Nordic and Baltic areas are only subsets. However, in recent years NATO’s activities in the region have increased due to Russia’s aggressiveness.[3] Selected NATO initiatives in the Nordic-Baltic region include Enhanced Forward Presence, Baltic Operations and Baltic Air Policing.

Enhanced Forward Presence was established in 2016 at the NATO Summit in Warsaw as a part of a deterrence strategy in the east of the alliance, demonstrating NATO’s willingness and capability to protect its allies.[9] It involves the deployment of multinational battalion-sized military units in Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania and Poland. Following Russia’s invasion of Ukraine in 2022, NATO has deployed four more units in other countries in Eastern Europe as well as sending more ships, planes and troops to the area.[9] NATO countries has also agreed to enhance the battlegroups from battalion size to brigade size when required.[9] As a part of the agreement, Danish troops contributes to the battlegroup stationed in Estonia. Specifically, Denmark have provided around 200 soldiers in both 2018, 2020 and 2022.[10] Further, Denmark regularly leads NATO’s Baltic Air Policing mission, contributing with fighter aircrafts and personnel.[11] Focusing only on naval activities, Danish frigates Esbern Snarre and Niels Juel have participated in NATO’s Task Group 441.01 as part of NATO’s Very High Readiness Joint Task Force.[12] In a naval context, it is also important to note that Denmark actively participates in the maritime-focused annual NATO exercise BALTOPS, which is the largest maritime exercise in the Baltic Sea. It aims at improving international naval operations and the naval capabilities of participating countries.[13]

EU

[edit]

In recent decades, the EU has seen a functional expansion into security issues to strengthen its collective security and defense capabilities. With Denmark, Finland, Sweden and the Baltic states as members, the Nordic-Baltic region plays a central part in EU’s defense agencies. As true for NATO, an extern logic with broader European security motivation drives the EU’s defense cooperation related to the Baltic Sea. The following section will briefly describe four important EU agencies with relevance for security in the Nordic-Baltic region: European Defense Agency (EDA), Common Security and Defense Policy (CSDP), Permanent Structured Cooperation (PESCO) and EU Strategy for the Baltic Sea Region (EUSBRS).

EDA

[edit]

EDA was established in 2004 with the purpose of strengthening cooperation between EU countries on developing research and development of defense capabilities.[14] Focusing on the Baltic Sea, the EDA initiative Maritime Surveillance (MARSUR) is central. Containing 19 member states plus non-EU member Norway, MARSUR aims to improve dialogue between European maritime information systems.[15] By facilitating exchange of information like ship data, the goal is to enhance the maritime situational awareness, which is key for naval personnel in any maritime operation.[15] MARSUR’s maritime surveillance networks has been used in large EU defense exercises in the Baltic Sea like OCEAN2020.[16] Due to the Danish EU defense opt-out until 2022, Denmark has not participated in MARSUR but only been a part of a few EDA activities related to broader EU policies.[17] In March 2023, however, Denmark joined the European Defense Agency, which make room for potential participation in future MARSUR activities.[14]

CSDP

[edit]

While EDA supports practical defense cooperation, CSDP – established in its current form in the Treaty of Lisbon from 2009 – sets the broader EU security and defense policy objectives functioning as a broader political framework.[18] In this way, one of the key tasks for EDA is to support different CSDP operations.[19] In relation to the Nordic-Baltic region, CSDP’s EU Battlegroups are central as they include the Nordic Battlegroup including Sweden, Norway, Finland, the three Baltic States as well as Ireland. The Nordic Battlegroup is a part of EU’s crisis response capacity. Denmark’s opt-out meant that they have neither participated fully in CSDP nor contributed to the Nordic Battlegroup, which has been on alert in 2008, 2011 and 2015.[7]

PESCO

[edit]

Launched in 2017, PESCO is a framework established under CSDP to deepen collaboration among EU members on defense and security matters.[17] PESCO differs from EDA and other institutions due to the legally binding commitments undertaken by participating member states, including increased defense spending.[20] Military Mobility is an important project launched under the PESCO facility. It is termed as “Military Schengen” and designated to aid free movement of military units throughout Europe, including the Baltic States.[21] In particular, PESCO military mobility procedures have been tested in Lithuania with the objective of simplifying transit in case the Baltic defense capabilities need reinforcement.[22] Focusing on the Danish role, Denmark first became a member of PESCO in May 2023.[23]

EUSBSR

[edit]

In relation to the EU and the Nordic-Baltic region, the EUSBR is also important, being EU’s first macro-regional strategy launched in 2009.[24] The purpose of EUSBSR is to enhance cooperation among the Baltic Sea states focusing on three main objectives: Saving the sea, connecting the region and increasing prosperity.[24] Especially, EUSBSR’s contributes to security in the Baltic Sea region through the Policy Area Maritime Safety and Security (PA Safe) with the objective of the region becoming a leading region for maritime safety and security. It involves promoting improved navigational conditions and ensuring accurate preparedness and response for different types of maritime accidents and security issues.[25] Denmark has played a significant role in PA Safe as one of the core members of EUSBSR together with Estonia, Finland, Germany, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland and Sweden.[25]

NORDEFCO

[edit]

Created in 2009, NORDEFCO is an informal multilateral “cooperation structure” and consists only of the Nordic sovereign states, i.e., Denmark, Finland, Iceland, Norway and Sweden.[26] In this way, it operates as a platform for cooperation and coordination rather than a formalized command structure. Further, it is a flexible format so members can choose in which project they want to participate.[27] While NATO’s activities in the Nordic-Baltic region are driven by actors that go beyond the region, NORDEFCO is simply based on an internal Nordic logic focusing only on regional agendas. The purpose of NORDEFCO is to strengthen collective defense capabilities, enhance interoperability and facilitate common solutions.[10] The concrete military activities are developed by the five Cooperation Areas (COPAs), which respectively focus on capabilities, armaments, human resources and education, training and exercises, and operations.[26] Among the most significant results are the agreements on Easy Access in 2016 and increased radar data sharing (NORECAS) in 2017, which aims to create a broader view of activities in the Nordic and Baltic Region.[28]

The purpose of the Easy Access agreement is to secure easier military access to sea, air, and land territories among the participating countries.[28] The agreement was prompted by Russian incursions into the airspace and waters of the NORDEFCO states. In this light, Easy Access contributes to a more effective Nordic defense cooperation enhancing military mobility between the states. Focusing on Denmark’s role, Easy Access was central on the Danish agenda, with the agreement ratified in Copenhagen when Denmark took over the rotating chair of NORDEFCO.[3]

The agreement on increased radar data sharing (NORECAS) is a part of the COPA Capabilities and aims to strengthen cooperation on air surveillance. In this way, the purpose is to create a common Nordic situational picture system contributing to an overview of activities in the Nordic and Baltic region.[26]

According to observers, Danish engagement in NORDEFCO has until recently been rather limited with Russia’s increased aggressiveness as a turning point.[10] In general, Nordic defense cooperation has been complicated by diverging memberships in NATO and EU. Scholars, however, point out that the abolition of the Danish defense opt-out from the EU combined with Finland and Sweden’s applications for NATO membership will have significant impact on the prerequisites for a deepened operational Nordic defense cooperation.[10]

NB8

[edit]

Established in 1992, NB8 is the most long-lasting cooperation format between Nordic and Baltic countries. An internal regional logic drives NB8 as it only focuses on cooperation in the Nordic-Baltic region. In the first years, NB8’s focus was on economic, social and cultural fields. Today, defense and security issues are frequently discussed in the forum inspired by the 2010 NB8 Wise Men Report, which advocated for strengthening NB8 defense cooperation.[7] For example, Nordic-Baltic Defence Ministers meets as a part of the NB8 framework, discussing the Nordic-Baltic defense cooperation programme.[29] From a Danish perspective, Denmark is a part of the NB8 rotating chair system. As a specific focus, Denmark has played a key role in prioritizing energy security cooperation within NB8.[30]

SUCBAS

[edit]

Launched in 2009, SUCBAS is another central area of security cooperation in the Baltic Sea Region, which aims at enhancing surveillance cooperation in the Baltic Sea.[7] As members are all regional states – Finland, Sweden, Denmark, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Germany and Poland – SUCBAS is driven on an internal logic. SUCBAS is a Maritime Situational Awareness (MSA) network involving information gathering and sharing systems.[7] In this way, it allows Denmark and the other member states to use common maritime surveillance data with the purpose of improving maritime safety conditions in the Baltic Sea.

Northern Group

[edit]

Founded in 2009, the Northern Group is a British-initiated informal consultation forum for security and defense coordination among the UK, the Nordic-Baltic countries, Germany, Poland and the Netherlands.[31] The Northern Group is based on an external logic, as its focus is broader than the Nordic-Baltic region in itself. In a joint statement after the Russian invasion of Ukraine, however, the representatives of the Northern Group emphasized the importance of security cooperation in the Baltic Sea underlining the group’s “strong political unity and cohesion in the face of threats to our region.”[32] Due to the informal cooperation format, the Northern Group has not initiated any practical military projects. Instead, it aims to strengthen dialogue and interoperability concerning existing frameworks of EU and NATO.[33] Denmark has been a part of the Northern Group discussions since its establishment in 2009.

E-PINE

[edit]

In relation to NB8, the e-PINE serves as an informal coordination network between the US and the Nordic-Baltic countries. Founded in 2003, the American-initiated fora is driven by an external logic, partly focusing on American broader motivations in Northern Europe. One of the important areas of collaboration in the e-PINE format is “cooperative security” which centers on US support to security activities in the Nordic-Baltic region.[34] As the Northern Group, e-PINE does not lead practical operations. However, it aims to improve existing operational cooperation formats like NATO activities through improved dialogue between the US, Denmark and the other Nordic-Baltic countries.[34]

Overview

[edit]

Table 2 summarizes the selected cooperation formats relevant for Baltic Sea security, focusing on organizational type, agenda and participating countries.

Table 2: Summary of selected institutions connected to the Nordic-Baltic region
Format (year launched) Organizational type Agenda Nordic-Baltic participants (UK+US)
NATO (1949) Formal intergovernmental military alliance. Promote defense and security cooperation through both dialogue, defense exercises and operations. Denmark, Norway, Finlanda, Iceland, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland, Germany, UK, US.
EU (1991)b Supranational/intergovernmental organizationc Facilitate common defense policies and projects through institutions such as CSDP, EDA and PESCO. Denmark, Sweden, Finland, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland, Germany.
NORDEFCO (2009) Informal Nordic defense cooperation. Strengthen collective defense capabilities and military interoperability through political dialogue and military training. Denmark, Norway, Sweden, Finland, Iceland.
NB8 (1992) Informal Nordic-Baltic cooperation. Foster political dialogue and cooperation among the Nordic and Baltic countries. Defense and security issues are central discussion areas. Denmark, Norway, Sweden, Finland, Iceland, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania.
SUCBAS (2009) Informal regional maritime security cooperation. Enhance Maritime Situational Awareness (MSA) in the region through informational exchange. Overall goal is to improve maritime security. Denmark, Sweden, Finland, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Germany, Poland, UK.
Northern Group (2010) Informal regional consultation forum. Improve dialogue on defense and security issues in Northern Europe. Efforts to enhance defence cooperation with close allies in NATO and/or EU. Denmark, Norway, Sweden, Finland, Iceland, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Germany, Poland, UK.
E-PINE (2003) Informal US-Nordic-Baltic consultation forum. Aim to improve existing cooperation formats like NATO through improved dialogue between the US and the NB8 countries. Denmark, Norway, Sweden, Finland, Iceland, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, US.
  • ^a On April 4 2023, Finland officially became a full member of NATO.
  • ^b The modern European Union (EU) was founded with the signing of the Maastricht Treaty in 1991. However, it built upon earlier treaties such as the Treaty of Rome in 1957.
  • ^c EU defense policy has traditionally been intergovernmental in nature. EDA is an example of an intergovernmental defence agency. However, EU has moved in a supranational direction on defense matters with PESCO including supranational elements such as legally binding commitments.

References

[edit]
  1. ^ Larsen, M. B. (2014). "Vejen til Danmarks sidste kystforter: Stevnsfort og Langelandsfort 1945-54". Fra Krig og Fred (1).
  2. ^ Dahl, A.-S. (2021). NATO. Forsvar og fælleskab i forandring. DJØF Forlag.
  3. ^ a b c d Dahl, A.-S (2021). "Back to the Future: Nordefco's First Decade and Prospects for the Next". Scandinavian Journal of Military Studies. 4 (1): 172–182.
  4. ^ a b Wivel, A. (2018). "Forerunner, follower, exceptionalist or bridge builder? Mapping Nordicness in Danish foreign policy". Global Affairs. 4 (4–5): 419–434.
  5. ^ a b c Pedi, R. & Wivel, A. (2022). "What Future for Small States After Unipolarity? Strategic Opportunities and Challenges in the Post-American World Order". In Græger, N.; Heurlin, B.; Wæver, O. & Wivel, A. (eds.). Polarity in International Relations. Governance, Security and Development. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham.
  6. ^ "Foreign and Security Policy Strategy 2023". Regeringen. 2023. Retrieved 2023-05-23.
  7. ^ a b c d e Breitenbauch, H. Ø.; Kristensen, K. S.; Schaub Jr., G. J.; Jakobsson, A. K.; Winther, M (2017). Options for Enhancing Nordic–Baltic Defence and Security Cooperation: An Explorative Survey (PDF). Center for Militære Studier, Københavns Universitet.
  8. ^ "Finland joins NATO as 31st Ally". NATO. 2023-04-04. Retrieved 2023-05-23.
  9. ^ a b c "NATO's military presence in the east of the Alliance". NATO. 2022-12-21. Retrieved 2023-05-23.
  10. ^ a b c d Theussen, A. (2023). "Denmark's Security Starts in the Baltic States". PRISM. 10 (2).
  11. ^ "Air policing in the Baltic States". Ministry of Defence, Denmark. Retrieved 2023-05-23.
  12. ^ "Task Group 441.01". Danish Defence. Retrieved 2023-05-23.
  13. ^ "International flådeøvelse i Østersøen". Danish Defence. 2022-06-03. Retrieved 2023-05-23.
  14. ^ a b "Denmark joins the European Defence Agency". European Defence Agency. 2023-03-23. Retrieved 2023-05-23.
  15. ^ a b "Maritime surveillance (MARSUR)". European Defence Agency. Retrieved 2023-05-23.
  16. ^ "OCEAN2020: The second sea demonstration of the European research project for maritime surveillance successfully completed". Leonardo. 2021-10-21. Retrieved 2023-05-23.
  17. ^ a b "EU' sikkerheds- og forsvarspolitiske samarbejde og det danske forsvarsforbehold" (PDF). Folketinget. 2021. Retrieved 2023-05-23.
  18. ^ "Handbook on CSDP: The Common Security and Defense Policy of the European Union (4th ed.)" (PDF). Directorate for Security Policy of the Federal Ministry of Defense of Austria. 2021. Retrieved 2023-05-23.
  19. ^ "European Defence Agency supports CSDP operations". European Defence Agency. 2016-01-19. Retrieved 2023-05-23.
  20. ^ "14 new PESCO projects launched in boost for European defence cooperation". European Defence Agency. 2021-11-16. Retrieved 2023-05-23.
  21. ^ "Military mobility". European Commission. Retrieved 2023-05-23.
  22. ^ "PESCO military mobility procedures tested in Lithuania". Ministry of National Defense of the Republic of Lithuania. 2019-12-06. Retrieved 2023-05-23.
  23. ^ "EU defence cooperation: Council welcomes Denmark into PESCO and launches the 5th wave of new PESCO projects". European Council. 2023-05-23. Retrieved 2023-05-23.
  24. ^ a b "EU Strategy for the Baltic Sea Region". European Commission. Retrieved 2023-05-23.
  25. ^ a b "Policy Area "on Maritime safety and Security – PA Safe". Danish Maritime Authority. Retrieved 2023-05-23.
  26. ^ a b c "About NORDEFCO". NORDEFCO. Retrieved 2023-05-23.
  27. ^ Järvenpää, P. (2013). "Nordic defense cooperation: NORDEFCO and beyond.". In Dahl, A.-S. & Järvenpää, P. (eds.). Northern Security and Global Politics: Nordic-Baltic strategic influence in a post-unipolar world (1st ed.). Routledge.
  28. ^ a b "NORDEFCO". Ministry of Defence, Denmark. Retrieved 2023-05-23.
  29. ^ "Nordic-Baltic Defence Ministers Meeting focuses on the Ukraine security situation". Ministry of National Defense of the Republic of Lithuania. 2021-12-17. Retrieved 2023-05-23.
  30. ^ "NB8 "wisemen" produce first report". Baltic Times. 2010-08-27. Retrieved 2023-05-23.
  31. ^ "Northern Group". Ministry of Defence, Denmark. Retrieved 2023-05-23.
  32. ^ "Joint Statement by the Ministers of Defense of the Northern Group". Ministry of Defence, Denmark. Retrieved 2023-05-23.
  33. ^ "Northern Group aims to step up regional security cooperation". EURACTIV. 2019-06-26. Retrieved 2023-05-23.
  34. ^ a b "Enhanced Partnership in Northern Europe (E-PINE)". U.S. Department of State. Retrieved 2023-05-23.
Retrieved from "http://en.wiki.x.io/w/index.php?title=User:TRKnudsen/sandbox&oldid=1240128842"