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Peter Galbraith

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Peter Galbraith
Member of the Vermont Senate
from the Windham County district
In office
January 5, 2011 – January 7, 2015
Preceded byPeter Shumlin
Succeeded byBecca Balint
United States Ambassador to Croatia
In office
June 28, 1993 – January 3, 1998
PresidentBill Clinton
Preceded byPosition established
Succeeded byWilliam Montgomery
Personal details
Born
Peter Woodard Galbraith

(1950-12-31) December 31, 1950 (age 73)
Boston, Massachusetts, U.S.
Political partyDemocratic
Spouse(s)Anne O'Leary (divorced)
Tone Bringa (divorced)
Children3
Parent
RelativesJames K. Galbraith (brother)
EducationHarvard University (BA)
St Catherine's College, Oxford (MA)
Georgetown University (JD)

Peter Woodard Galbraith (born December 31, 1950) is an American author, academic, commentator, politician, policy advisor, and former diplomat.

In the late 1980s and early 1990s, he helped uncover Saddam Hussein's gassing of the Kurds.[1] From 1993 to 1998, he served as the first U.S. Ambassador to Croatia, where he was co-mediator of the 1995 Erdut Agreement that ended the Croatian War of Independence.[2] He served in East Timor's first transitional government, successfully negotiating the Timor Sea Treaty.[nb 1] As an author and commentator, Galbraith, a longtime advocate of the Kurdish people, has argued for Iraq to be "partitioned" into three parts, allowing for Kurdistan independence.[5] Beginning in 2003, Galbraith acted as an advisor to the Kurdistan Regional Government in northern Iraq, helping to influence the drafting process of the Iraqi Constitution in 2005; he was later criticized for failing to fully disclose financial interests relevant to this role.[6][7] In 2009, Galbraith was appointed United Nations' Deputy Special Representative for Afghanistan, where he contributed to exposing the fraud that took place in the 2009 presidential election in Afghanistan before being fired in a dispute over how to handle that fraud.[8]

Galbraith served as a Democratic member of the Vermont Senate for Windham County from 2011 to 2015, and was a candidate for governor of Vermont in 2016.[9] He is Chair of the Board of Directors of the Center for Arms Control and Non-Proliferation,[10] the research arm of the Council for a Livable World.

Early life and education

Galbraith was born in Boston, Massachusetts, the son of John Kenneth Galbraith, one of the leading economists of the 20th century, and Catherine Galbraith (née Catherine Merriam Atwater).[11] He is the brother of economist James K. Galbraith.[12] Galbraith attended the Commonwealth School. He earned an A.B. degree from Harvard College, an M.A. from Oxford University, and a J.D. from Georgetown University Law Center.[2]

Career

Academic career

Galbraith was an assistant professor of Social Studies at Windham College in Putney, Vermont, from 1975 to 1978.[13] Later, he was professor of national security strategy at the National War College in 1999 and between 2001 and 2003.[14] He is an Honorary Fellow at St Catherine's College. Oxford University. He has been a member of the Board of Trustees of American University of Kurdistan in Duhok since its establishment in 2014.[15]

U.S. Senate Committee on Foreign Relations

Galbraith worked as a staff member for the U.S. Senate Committee on Foreign Relations from 1979 to 1993.[16] As a staffer, he wrote several reports on Iraq and took a special interest in the Kurdish regions of Iraq. Galbraith contributed to the uncovering of Saddam Hussein's systematic destruction of Kurdish villages and use of chemical weapons after visits in 1987 and 1988.[1][17][18] Galbraith wrote the "Prevention of Genocide Act of 1988," which would have imposed comprehensive sanctions on Iraq in response to the gassing of the Kurds.[19] The bill unanimously passed the Senate, and passed the House in a "watered-down" version, but was opposed by the Reagan Administration as "premature" and did not become law.[20][21]

During the 1991 Iraqi Kurdish uprising, Galbraith visited rebel-held northern Iraq, and narrowly escaped capture by Saddam Hussein's forces as they retook the region.[22] His accounts were instrumental in recording and publicizing attacks on the Kurdish civilian population[22] and contributed to the decision to create a Kurdish "safe haven" in northern Iraq.[23] In 1992, the Kurdish parties gave Galbraith 14 tons captured Iraqi secret police documents from northern Iraq detailing the atrocities committed against the Kurds. He was involved in airlifting the documents to the United States where he deposited them in the files of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee at the National Archives.[1] Galbraith's work in Iraqi Kurdistan was discussed in Samantha Power's Pulitzer-Prize-winning book A Problem From Hell: America and the Age of Genocide.[24]

Ambassador to Croatia

In 1993, President Bill Clinton appointed Galbraith as the first United States ambassador to Croatia.[25] Galbraith was actively involved in the Croatia and Bosnia peace processes. He was one of three authors of the "Z-4 plan," an attempt to negotiate a political solution to the Croatian War of Independence.[26] Galbraith and UN mediator Thorvald Stoltenberg went on to lead negotiations which led to the Erdut Agreement that ended the war by providing for peaceful reintegration of Serb-held Eastern Slavonia into Croatia.[27] From 1996 to 1998, Galbraith served as de facto Chairman of the international commission charged with monitoring implementation of the Erdut Agreement.[citation needed] Galbraith helped devise and implement the strategy that ended the 1993-94 Muslim-Croat war, and participated in the negotiation of the Washington Agreement that established the Federation of Bosnia-Herzegovina.[28][29][30]

During the war years, Ambassador Galbraith was responsible for U.S. humanitarian programs in the former Yugoslavia and for U.S. relations with the UNPROFOR peacekeeping mission headquartered in Zagreb. Galbraith diplomatic interventions facilitated the flow of humanitarian assistance to Bosnia and secured the 1993 release of more than 5,000 prisoners of war held in inhumane conditions by Bosnian Croat forces.[31] Beginning in 1994, on instructions from then-President Clinton, Galbraith tacitly allowed weapons to be shipped into Bosnia through Croatia in violation of a UN arms embargo; this policy generated controversy when made public, with a Republican-led House of Representatives committee referring criminal charges against Galbraith, National Security Advisor Anthony Lake and other Clinton Administration officials to the Justice Department.[32][33][34][35][36] The Select Committee also investigated Galbraith's personal life, discovering that he had dated an American journalist while a bachelor in Zagreb.[37]

Galbraith was in Croatia's capital, Zagreb, when Serbian forces rocketed the city on May 2 - 3 1995. One of the missiles hit about a block from the U.S. Embassy in the center of Zagreb.[38] Soon after the attack, during his visit to children hospital in Zagreb, Galbraith said: "The children hospital has been attacked. The theater has been attacked. There are four hundred children that are in the basement of this hospital. They have been put at risk from an intentional attack on this city. The only word for it is: barbaric.".[39][40]

In 1995, when tens of thousands of Serb refugees were being attacked while fleeing to Yugoslavia, Galbraith joined a convoy to protect the refugees, riding on a tractor to send a message of U.S. support and earning him criticism from local Croatian media and officials.[34][41]

East Timor

From January 2000 to August 2001, Galbraith was Director for Political, Constitutional and Electoral Affairs for the United Nations Transitional Administration in East Timor (UNTAET).[42] He also served as Cabinet Member for Political Affairs and Timor Sea in the First Transitional Government of East Timor.[43] In these roles, he designed the territory's first interim government and the process to write East Timor's permanent constitution.[citation needed]

During his tenure, Galbraith conducted successful negotiations with Australia to produce a new treaty governing the exploitation of oil and gas in the Timor Sea.[nb 1] The resulting Timor Sea Treaty gave East Timor the preponderance of control over the oil and gas resources and 90% of the petroleum, an "enormously favorable" share.[44] Under the previous Timor Gap Treaty—considered illegal by East Timor and the United Nations—Indonesia and Australia had jointly controlled the resources and shared equally the revenues.[42] According to United States Ambassador to the United Nations Samantha Power, "Galbraith secured a deal by which the Timorese and the Australians would create a Joint Petroleum Development Area from which the Timorese would receive 90% of the revenue and the Australians 10%, a dramatic improvement over the unfair 50-50 split that predated UN negotiations. [...] The Galbraith-led negotiations would quadruple the oil available to East Timor for sale."[45] The negotiations are believed to be the first time the United Nations has a negotiated a bilateral treaty on behalf of a state.[46]

Galbraith also led the UNTAET/East Timor negotiating team during eighteen months of negotiations with Indonesia aimed at normalizing relations and resolving issues arising from the end of the Indonesian occupation.[citation needed] As a Cabinet member, he wrote the regulations that created East Timor's National Parks and Endangered Species Law.

Involvement in Iraq's constitutional process

From 2003 to 2005, Iraq was involved in a number of negotiations to draft an interim and then a permanent constitution. In that context, Galbraith advised both the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) and the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK), the two main Kurdish parties of Iraq, particularly with a view to encouraging the emergence of a strongly decentralized state.[citation needed] Galbraith later wrote that he had urged Kurdish leaders to take a stronger position in negotiations, suggesting that "'The Constitution should state that the Constitution of Kurdistan, and laws made pursuant to the Constitution, is the supreme law of Kurdistan.'" Galbraith later wrote that his ideas on federalism "eventually became the basis of Kurdistan's proposals for an Iraq constitution".[47][better source needed]

Galbraith favors the independence – legal or de facto – of the northern region of Iraq known as Iraqi Kurdistan. Galbraith argues that Iraq has broken into three parts (Kurd, Shiite Arab, and Sunni Arab), that there is no possibility of uniting the country, and that the U.S.'s "main error" in Iraq has been its attempt to maintain Iraq as a single entity.[47][better source needed] He has advocated for a three-part "partition" of Iraq to reflect this situation, writing, "Let's face it: partition is a better outcome than a Sunni-Shiite civil war."[5][48] Outside of Kurdistan, which favors its own independence, these ideas are considered offensive to the nationalist feelings of many Iraqis.[7]

Oil controversy

After leaving the U.S. government in 2003, Galbraith set up a consulting firm that provided negotiating and other services to governmental and corporate clients.[49]

In 2009, an investigation by the Norwegian newspaper Dagens Næringsliv found that Galbraith had been given a large financial stake in DNO, a Norwegian oil company engaged in exploring oil reserves in the Kurdistan region of Iraq, in the spring of 2004.[50] As a result of the provisions Galbraith had helped the Kurds win in constitutional negotiations, which gave the Kurds control over Kurdish oil revenues, Galbraith's stake in DNO had increased greatly in value.[7] At the time of the negotiations, Galbraith had described himself as an unpaid advisor to the Kurds, making only vague references to business interests in the region.[7]

Iraqi officials expressed concern over these revelations, suggesting they may have compromised the constitutional drafting process. Feisal al-Istrabadi, one of the main authors of Iraq's provisional constitution after the Iraq War, said he was "speechless" that an oil company had been given what he described as "a representative in the room, drafting."[7] Abdul-Hadi al-Hassani, vice chairman of the Oil and Gas Committee in the Iraqi Council of Representatives, said that Galbraith's "interference was not justified, illegal and not right, particularly because he is involved in a company where his financial interests have been merged with the political interest."[7] Reidar Visser, a research fellow at the Norwegian Institute of International Affairs, said it was "quite scandalous" that Galbraith had been receiving payment from an oil company while participating in high-level negotiation sessions.[51]

Galbraith responded that, because he had left the U.S. government at the time of the drafting of the constitution, he was acting as a private citizen, in a merely advisory role (not actually negotiating) with no ability to force any particular provision through.[51] He noted that he had supported Kurdish independence since long before receiving a stake in DNO, and also that the Kurdish officials who had requested his advice were aware of his financial involvement, concluding: "So, while I may have had interests, I see no conflict."[7][52]

In 2010, the New York Times reported that Galbraith and another investor were together paid between $55 million and $75 million for their stakes in DNO.[53] The director of Galbraith's 2016 gubernatorial campaign disputed these figures as too high.[54]

Deputy U.N. envoy to Afghanistan

Galbraith, considered a close ally of Richard Holbrooke, the U.S. Special Representative to Afghanistan,[55] was announced as the next United Nations' Deputy Special Representative for Afghanistan on March 25, 2009[56] but abruptly left the country in mid September 2009 at the request of UN Special Representative to Afghanistan Kai Eide following a dispute over the handling of the reported fraud in the 2009 Afghan presidential election[57] - and on September 30, the UN announced that he had been removed from his position by Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon.[8]

In response to his firing, Galbraith told The Times, "I was not prepared to be complicit in a cover-up or in an effort to downplay the fraud that took place. I felt we had to face squarely the fraud that took place. Kai downplayed the fraud.".[58][59] When Eide announced his own stepping down in December 2009, he did not do so voluntarily, according to Galbraith, though Eide has said it was a voluntary departure.[60]

In December 2009, Kai Eide and Vijay Nambiar accused Galbraith of proposing enlisting the White House in a plan to force the Afghan president, Hamid Karzai, to resign, and to install a more Western-friendly figure as president of Afghanistan.[61] According to reports of the plan, which was never realized, the new government would be led by the former finance minister Ashraf Ghani, or by the former interior minister Ali Ahmad Jalali. Karzai's term expired May 21, 2009, and the Supreme Court, in a controversial decision, extended until voting on August 20, 2009. Galbraith flatly denied there was a plan to oust Karzai. He said he and his staff merely had internal discussions on what to do if a runoff for the presidency were delayed until May 2010 as a result of the fraud problems and other matters. Karzai's continuation in office a full year after the end of his term would have been unconstitutional and unacceptable to the Afghan opposition.[61] Galbraith explained that the internal discussions concerned avoiding a constitutional crisis, that any solution would have required the consent of both Karzai and the opposition, and the UN's involvement was consistent with its good offices role. He noted that Kai Eide, his chief accuser, proposed replacing Karzai with an interim government a month later in a meeting with foreign diplomats in Kabul.[citation needed]

The United Nations announced that Galbraith had initiated legal action against the United Nations over his dismissal. The United Nations has an internal justice system under which such challenges can be lodged. Martin Nesirky, spokesman for the UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon, said the reason Galbraith "was terminated was that the secretary general determined that such action would be in the interests of the organization".[62]

Humanitarian efforts

Reunification of Yazidi families

On March 3, 2021, Peter Galbraith successfully negotiated the reunion of children born to young Yazidi women who had been kidnapped by the Islamic State in 2014 and used as sex slaves (Sabbaya). After the last ISIS stronghold of Barghouz fell in 2019, the Yazidi women and children were moved to al Hol Camp along with the ISIS women and children. The Yazidi House, an Yazidi NGO, searched the camps for the Yazidi women. Once found, the Yazidi House took away the children born to ISIS men and sent the women back to Iraq. The children went to an orphanage in North east Syria. In spite being promised access to their children, the mothers had no contact with the children and were unable to get help from the UN or NGOs. Galbraith negotiated the reunion with the Kurdish authorities in both Iraq and Syria and escorted the mothers into Syria where they saw their children for the first time in two years. After Galbraith signed for the children, the mothers and children went to Iraqi Kurdistan where they await third country resettlement, Eventually Galbraith reunited 26 children with 17 mothers.[63]

Rescue of Amina Bradley

Galbraith organized the July 17, 2021 rescue of Amina Bradley, an American orphan who had been hidden by radical ISIS women in Roj Camp in Northeast Syria. Amina's mother, Ariel Bradley, had taken the child to Syria when she joined the Islamic State. Ariel Bradley, who grew up as an evangelical Christian in Chattanooga, Tennessee before converting to Islam, died in a coalition airstrike in 2018.[64]

Political career

Political commentator

Galbraith has contributed opinion columns in relation to issues including political developments in Iraq and Afghanistan, for publications including The New York Times, The Washington Post, The Los Angeles Times, The Guardian, The Independent and The New York Review of Books. On Iraq, he has argued that "[c]ivil war and the breakup of Iraq are more likely outcomes [of the invasion of Iraq] than a successful transition to a pluralistic Western-style democracy".[65] He has also argued that the Bush administration "has put the United States on the side of undemocratic Iraqis who are Iran's allies".[66] On the 2009 Afghan Presidential Elections, he wrote in the New York Times that "[if] the second round of Afghanistan's presidential elections [...] is a rerun of the fraud-stained first round, it will be catastrophic for that country and the allied military mission battling the Taliban and Al Qaeda."[67] After the election's second round was canceled, he wrote that "[t]he decision by the Independent Election Commission (IEC) to cancel the second round and declare the incumbent, Hamid Karzai, the victor concludes a process that undermined Afghanistan's nascent democracy."[68]

Conservative New York Times columnist David Brooks called Galbraith the "smartest and most devastating" critic of President George W. Bush's policies in Iraq.[69]

After Galbraith's interests in Iraqi oil were made public, The New York Times wrote that "[l]ike other writers for the Op-Ed page, Mr. Galbraith signed a contract that obligated him to disclose his financial interests in the subjects of his articles. Had editors been aware of Mr. Galbraith’s financial stake, the Op-Ed page would have insisted on disclosure or not published his articles."[70] Meanwhile, the New York Review of Books wrote that "[w]e regret that we were not informed of Mr. Galbraith's financial involvements in business concerning Kurdish oil. If we had known about them, we would have wanted them to be disclosed when his articles were published."[71] In a response, Galbraith defended his involvement in the constitutional process as an informal advisor, but apologized for failing to better disclose his interests as a commentator.[52]

Vermont politics

Galbraith served as chairman of the Vermont Democratic Party from 1977 to 1979.[72]

In 1998, Galbraith briefly campaigned for the Democratic nomination for the seat in the United States House of Representatives from Massachusetts then held by retiring Representative Joseph P. Kennedy II and previously held by Tip O'Neill and John F. Kennedy.[73][74][75]

In 2008, Galbraith told Vermont Public Radio he was considering a run for the governorship of Vermont,[76] but later announced that he would not be running and endorsed former House Speaker Gaye Symington instead.[77]

He is a Senior Diplomatic Fellow, and Chair of the Board of Directors of the Center for Arms Control and Non-Proliferation, the research arm of the Council for a Livable World.[78]

On November 2, 2010, Galbraith won election to the Vermont State Senate from Windham County as a Democrat, and was reelected in 2012. in 2011, Galbraith initiated legislation to ban hydraulic fracturing ("fracking"), making Vermont the first state in the country to ban fracking.[79][80] In 2014, he introduced the legislation to finance Vermont's single payer health care plan, Act 48, a plan which eventually failed to pass.[81]

Among his Senate colleagues, he gained a reputation for speaking at length on the floor and introducing amendments to almost every bill, and he had a difficult time gaining political allies.[82] According to the Vermont Senate Journal, Galbraith proposed amendments aiming to raise the minimum wage to $12 per hour,[83] to ban corporate campaign contributions, to prevent wealthy persons from evading campaign finance limits, to delete a $5 million appropriation for IBM, to extend Vermont's bottle bill to non-carbonated beverages, to create a subsidized public option on the Vermont Health Connect exchange, to protect large tracts of roadless forest from development, and to return $21 million to ratepayers as a condition of the GMP-CVPS merger.[citation needed] Galbraith's critics said he did not adapt well to the Vermont Senate's culture and described him as "abrasive," and "arrogant", but others in the Senate praised his intelligence, clear thinking, and nonconformism.[84] Governor Peter Shumlin described him as "incredibly articulate, bright and capable."[72] Galbraith did not run for a third term in 2014, citing a desire to focus on his career in international diplomacy.[82]

Candidate for governor

Main article: Vermont gubernatorial election, 2016

Galbraith announced in March 2016 that he would be a candidate for the Democratic nomination for Governor of Vermont in 2016.[9] Galbraith ran on an "unapologetically progressive" and "unconventional" platform which included raising the minimum wage, eventually to $15 per hour; establishing universal health care or universal primary health care; and banning campaign contributions from corporations; putting a moratorium on new industrial wind turbines; and eliminating "special interest" tax breaks.[83][85] Galbraith supported universal background checks for gun sales in Vermont, and called for a ban on assault weapons.[86]

Galbraith came in third in the primary, behind Matt Dunne and the winner Sue Minter, whom Galbraith endorsed. Despite the outcome, he credited his campaign with introducing substantive policy debates, especially over single-payer health care, into the race.[87]

Personal life

Galbraith has one child with his first wife, Anne O'Leary, and two children with his second wife, Tone Bringa.[16][88]

Galbraith was a good friend of the twice-elected Prime Minister of Pakistan Benazir Bhutto, dating back to their time together as students at Harvard and Oxford Universities; he was instrumental in securing Bhutto's release from prison in Pakistan for a medical treatment abroad during the military dictatorship of General Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq.[49]

Galbraith speaks English, German, Russian, French, Croatian, and Dari.[84]

Writings

  • Galbraith, Peter (2006), The End of Iraq: How American Incompetence Created a War without End; Simon and Schuster. ISBN 0-7432-9423-8
  • Galbraith, Peter W. (2008), Unintended Consequences: How War in Iraq Strengthened America's Enemies; Simon & Schuster. ISBN 1-4165-6225-7

Notes

  1. ^ a b Chesterman (2001) wrote that "The decision to have Galbraith lead the negotiations [...] was a tactical one."[3] Gunn (2008), on the contrary, wrote that Mari Alkatiri was the "lead diplomat" in the negotiations, "seconded" by Galbraith.[4]

References

  1. ^ a b c Allawi, A.A. (2008). The Occupation of Iraq: Winning the War, Losing the Peace. Yale University Press. p. 477. ISBN 978-0-300-13537-4. Retrieved 4 June 2016. Galbraith was not new to Iraqi Kurdish issues. He had played an important part in highlighting the 1988 Halabja and Anfal attacks, and the mass movement of Kurds into Iran and Turkey after the collapse of the March 1991 uprisings. [...] In 1992, Galbraith brought fourteen tons of captured Iraqi secret police documents out of northern Iraq that detailed atrocities against the Kurds.
  2. ^ a b "Former U.S. Ambassadors to Croatia - Embassy of the United States". Zagreb, Croatia. 28 June 1993. Archived from the original on 17 June 2016. Retrieved 1 June 2016.
  3. ^ Chesterman, Simon (2001). East Timor in Transition: From Conflict Prevention to State-Building. International Peace Academy. p. 20., quoted in Morrow, Jonathan; White, Rachel (2001). "The United Nations in Transitional East Timor: International Standards and the Reality of Governance". Australian Year Book of International Law. 22: 1.
  4. ^ Gunn, G.C. (2010). Historical Dictionary of East Timor. Historical Dictionaries of Asia, Oceania, and the Middle East. Scarecrow Press. p. 90. ISBN 978-0-8108-7518-0. Retrieved June 7, 2016.
  5. ^ a b Taylor, Adam (13 June 2014). "People have talked about Iraq breaking up for years. Now it may actually happen". The Washington Post. Retrieved 4 June 2016.
  6. ^ Danilovich, A. (2016). Iraqi Federalism and the Kurds: Learning to Live Together. Federalism Studies. Taylor & Francis. p. 125. ISBN 978-1-317-11292-1. Retrieved June 7, 2016.
  7. ^ a b c d e f g Glanz, James; Gibbs, Walter (11 November 2009). "U.S. Adviser to Kurds Stands to Reap Oil Profits". The New York Times. Retrieved 1 June 2016.
  8. ^ a b Oppel, Richard A.; MacFarquhar, Neil (2009-09-30). "After Clash Over Afghan Election, U.N. Fires a Diplomat". The New York Times.
  9. ^ a b Ledbetter, Stewart (March 22, 2016). "Galbraith Enters Democratic Primary for Governor of Vermont". WPTZ-TV. Plattsburgh, NY.
  10. ^ "Board". Center for Arms Control and Non-Proliferation. Center for Arms Control and Non-Proliferation. Retrieved 22 September 2016.
  11. ^ U.S. State Department Diplomatic and Consular Service. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office. 1993. p. 25.
  12. ^ Parker, R. (2015). John Kenneth Galbraith: His Life, His Politics, His Economics. Farrar, Straus and Giroux. ISBN 978-1-4668-9375-7. Retrieved 2016-06-01.
  13. ^ "Faculty and Staff Windham". College Alumni Association.
  14. ^ BBC News (2009-10-05). "Sacked UN man attacks mission". BBC.com.
  15. ^ "Board of Trustees – The American University of Kurdistan". auk.edu.krd.
  16. ^ a b "Senator Peter W. Galbraith". Vermont Legislature. 2 November 2010. Retrieved 1 June 2016.
  17. ^ Entessar, N. (2010). Kurdish Politics in the Middle East. G - Reference, Information and Interdisciplinary Subjects Series. Lexington Books. p. 187. ISBN 978-0-7391-4039-0. Retrieved 4 June 2016.
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  19. ^ Galbraith, P.W. (2008). The End of Iraq: How American Incompetence Created a War Without End. Simon & Schuster UK. p. 30. ISBN 978-1-84739-612-9. Retrieved 4 June 2016.
  20. ^ Shareef, M. (2014). The United States, Iraq and the Kurds: Shock, Awe and Aftermath. Routledge Studies in US Foreign Policy. Taylor & Francis. p. 23. ISBN 978-1-317-96244-1. Retrieved 4 June 2016.
  21. ^ Zeidel, R.; Baram, A.; Rohde, A. (2010). Iraq Between Occupations: Perspectives from 1920 to the Present. Palgrave Macmillan US. p. 71. ISBN 978-0-230-11549-1. Retrieved 4 June 2016.
  22. ^ a b Klaus, I. (2007). Elvis is Titanic. Knopf Doubleday Publishing Group. p. 13. ISBN 978-0-307-26778-8. Retrieved 4 June 2016.
  23. ^ Charountaki, M. (2010). The Kurds and US Foreign Policy: International Relations in the Middle East Since 1945. Routledge Studies in Middle Eastern Politics. Taylor & Francis. p. 168. ISBN 978-1-136-90692-3. Retrieved 4 June 2016.
  24. ^ Secor, Laura (14 April 2002). "Turning a Blind Eye". The New York Times. Retrieved 4 June 2016.
  25. ^ Power, S. (2013). "A Problem From Hell": America and the Age of Genocide. Human rights cases online. Basic Books. p. 283. ISBN 978-0-465-05089-5. Retrieved June 6, 2016.
  26. ^ Ahrens, G.H. (2007). Diplomacy on the Edge: Containment of Ethnic Conflict and the Minorities Working Group of the Conferences on Yugoslavia. Woodrow Wilson Center Press Series. Johns Hopkins University Press. p. 165. ISBN 978-0-8018-8557-0. Retrieved June 6, 2016.
  27. ^ Danspeckgruber, W.F. (2002). The Self-determination of Peoples: Community, Nation, and State in an Interdependent World. Lynne Rienner Publishers. p. 88. ISBN 978-1-55587-793-4. Retrieved June 6, 2016.
  28. ^ Gow, J. (1997). Triumph of the Lack of Will: International Diplomacy and the Yugoslav War. Columbia University Press. p. 262. ISBN 978-0-231-10916-1. Retrieved June 6, 2016.
  29. ^ Rogel, C. (2004). The Breakup of Yugoslavia and Its Aftermath. Greenwood Press Guides to Historic Events of the Twentieth Century. Greenwood Press. p. 34. ISBN 978-0-313-32357-7. Retrieved June 6, 2016.
  30. ^ Greenberg, M.C.; Greenberg, M.; Barton, J.H.; McGuinness, M.E. (2000). Words Over War: Mediation and Arbitration to Prevent Deadly Conflict. Carnegie Commission on Preventing Deadly Conflict series. Rowman & Littlefield Publishers. p. 56. ISBN 978-0-8476-9893-6. Retrieved June 6, 2016.
  31. ^ ICTY: Cables released for the trial of Prlic, et al; Galbraith, P.W. (2008). Unintended Consequences: How War in Iraq Strengthened America's Enemies. Simon & Schuster. p. 178. ISBN 978-1-4165-6225-2. Retrieved June 7, 2016.
  32. ^ Hajdinjak, M. (2002). Smuggling in Southeast Europe: The Yugoslav Wars and the Development of Regional Criminal Networks in the Balkans. CSD reports. Center for the Study of Democracy. p. 11. ISBN 978-954-477-099-0. Retrieved June 7, 2016.
  33. ^ Weiner, Tim; Bonner, Raymond (May 29, 1996). "Gun-Running in the Balkans: C.I.A. and Diplomats Collide". The New York Times. Retrieved June 7, 2016.
  34. ^ a b Bonner, Raymond (May 30, 1996). "Arms Case Taints a Diplomat's Future". The New York Times. Retrieved June 7, 2016.
  35. ^ U.S. Congress, Select Committee on Intelligence US Senate. U.S. Actions Regarding Iranian and Other Arms Transfers to the Bosnian Army, 1994–1995'’, November 1996
  36. ^ Bromley, Mark. United Nations Arms Embargos: Their Impact on Arms Flows and Target Behaviour. Case Study: Former Yugoslavia 1991-1996 Archived 2016-08-06 at the Wayback Machine Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (2007).
  37. ^ Lewis, Anthony (December 29, 1998). "Abroad at Home; With No Decency". The New York Times. Retrieved June 10, 2016.
  38. ^ WILKINSON, TRACY (1995-05-03). "Serb Rockets Hit Zagreb, Sow Terror". Los Angeles Times. Retrieved 2023-03-03.
  39. ^ CROATIA: ZAGREB: US AMBASSADOR VISITS CHILDREN'S HOSPITAL, retrieved 2023-03-03
  40. ^ "Panic in Zagreb as rockets strike again". The Independent. 1995-05-03. Retrieved 2023-03-03.
  41. ^ Bonner, Raymond (13 August 1995). "The Serbs' Caravan of Fear". The New York Times. Archived from the original on 6 November 2012.
  42. ^ a b Mercer, David (2004). "Dividing Up the Spoils: Australia, East Timor and the Timor Sea". Space and Polity. 8 (3): 289–308. doi:10.1080/1356257042000309625. S2CID 144194565.
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Diplomatic posts
New office United States Ambassador to Croatia
1993–1998 		Succeeded by
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